Articles and columns

The controversy surrounding Kenya’s new police uniforms has taken a fresh political turn after the manufacturer awarded the contract broke its silence on the procurement.

Bedi Investments confirmed it was contracted to produce 58,701 uniforms, while disputing claims that the deal was worth Ksh2.8 billion.

Managing Director Jaswinder Bedi said the company was selected after a lengthy procurement process involving competing manufacturers, technical evaluation, and public participation.

The disclosure comes as opposition leaders continue demanding answers over the contract, its cost, and whether replacing police uniforms should take priority over officers’ welfare.

Police Uniform Tender Faces Growing Political Scrutiny ¶

Bedi Investments has confirmed that it was awarded the contract to manufacture and stitch the new Kenya Police General Duty uniforms.

The Nakuru-based manufacturer is expected to produce 58,701 uniforms, with the assignment scheduled for completion by the end of September 2026.

The company is currently producing about 3,000 uniforms every day as it races to meet the government’s deadline.

The confirmation is significant because the identity of the supplier had become a major point of political controversy after claims circulated that a different, relatively new company had won the contract.

The National Police Service has already rejected those claims, stating that Bedi Investments was the successful bidder.

Bedi Rejects Ksh2.8 Billion Price Tag ¶

One of the biggest questions surrounding the new uniforms is how much taxpayers are paying.

Bedi declined to disclose the total value of the contract but rejected reports that the deal was worth Ksh2.8 billion.

He explained that the procurement was based on individual items and their respective unit prices rather than a single lump-sum figure.

Bedi instead argued that the government was getting a better deal than before.

He said the company had reduced production costs and claimed it had saved the police and the Government of Kenya more than 30 percent compared with previous arrangements.

That claim, however, does not eliminate the demand for full disclosure.

With public money involved, questions over the final cost, quantities, unit prices, and procurement terms remain politically important.

Procurement Process Took Four Years ¶

Bedi said the procurement process took approximately four years before being concluded in 2026.

The process began with several local manufacturers being invited to submit samples of the proposed uniforms.

According to the National Police Service, four Kenyan textile manufacturers with previous experience supplying police uniform materials were invited under the Buy Kenya, Build Kenya initiative. Bedi Investments and Rivatex East Africa ultimately submitted samples.

The samples were subjected to technical evaluation, with the Kenya Bureau of Standards involved in the process.

Public participation was also conducted before the procurement moved to its final stages.

The government has therefore maintained that the contract was not hurriedly awarded to a politically connected company, as critics have alleged.

Political Opposition Keeps Pressure On Government ¶

Despite the official explanation, opposition leaders have continued to question the procurement.

DAP-K leader Eugene Wamalwa has demanded greater transparency over the contract and questioned the reported cost of nearly Ksh3 billion.

Wamalwa also challenged the government’s priorities, arguing that changing police uniforms should not overshadow more urgent problems affecting officers.

Among the concerns he raised were housing conditions and deductions affecting police officers’ salaries.

The political criticism has turned what could ordinarily have been a routine procurement into another test of public confidence in the Ruto administration.

Matiang’i Raises Bigger Procurement Questions ¶

Former Interior Cabinet Secretary Fred Matiang’i has also criticised the procurement, raising broader questions about whether government should outsource the manufacture of police uniforms.

Matiang’i argued that during his time in government, police uniforms were produced through government facilities and local textile manufacturers.

He has questioned why a private contractor should benefit from such a major government supply arrangement.

His intervention has added a political dimension to the debate because he is also a potential presidential contender, making the uniform controversy part of a wider argument over how the Ruto administration manages public procurement.

NPS Denies Claims Of Ruto Business Link ¶

The controversy intensified after reports linked the tender to Nalitex Limited, a company alleged to have connections to President William Ruto.

The National Police Service strongly rejected those claims.

NPS said Nalitex did not participate in the procurement process, was not awarded the contract, was not engaged as a subcontractor, and received no purchase order or payment from the service.

Instead, the police identified Bedi Investments as the legitimate contractor.

That clarification has shifted the focus from the identity of the alleged supplier to the actual procurement process, contract value, and justification for the expenditure.

Bedi Investments Has Long Government Supply History ¶

Bedi Investments is not a newly established company. The manufacturer has operated in Kenya’s textile and garment industry for more than five decades after being incorporated in 1972.

The company began as a tailor-made suit manufacturer before expanding into an integrated textile operation producing yarn, fabric, dyed and finished materials, and garments.

It has supplied institutional uniforms to several African countries and has worked with Kenyan government institutions for decades.

Its first Kenya Police-related order dates back to 1992, according to Bedi.

The company’s long history directly challenges claims that an inexperienced or recently established supplier was brought in to manufacture the uniforms.

Thousands Of Officers Set For New Uniforms ¶

Bedi said the company has established measurement centres across the country where tailors are taking individual officers’ measurements.

The information is entered into the company’s system to ensure uniforms are produced according to individual requirements.

The rollout also includes specialised uniforms for pregnant and breastfeeding female officers.

The National Police Service has said the uniform change followed recommendations from the Maraga Task Force on Police Reforms and consultations with police officers.

Transparency Will Determine Whether Controversy Ends ¶

The government may have clarified who won the tender, but political questions surrounding the procurement are unlikely to disappear until the financial details are made clearer.

Bedi’s claim that the government saved more than 30 percent is significant, but taxpayers need enough information to independently assess that assertion.

The real test will be whether the procurement documents, quantities, unit prices, and evaluation process withstand public scrutiny.

For the Ruto administration, the police uniform controversy has become more than a debate about clothing.

It is now a test of whether government procurement can withstand political pressure, public suspicion, and demands for transparency.

For police officers, the bigger question is whether the investment improves their working conditions beyond appearances.

And for taxpayers, the central issue remains simple: how much was spent, who benefited, and whether Kenya received value for every shilling committed to the new uniforms.

A company director was this week charged with stealing Ksh 2.1 million belonging to a company in a case before the Makadara Law Courts.

Christine Njeri Wanjiru appeared before trial magistrate Juliana Ndengeri on Friday, August 28, 2026, and was charged with stealing by director, contrary to Section 282 of the Penal Code.

The charge sheet states that the offence was committed on diverse dates between June 15 and August 11, 2026, at an unknown location within Kenya.

The prosecution told the court that Wanjiru, being a director of the company, fraudulently stole Ksh 2.1 million belonging to the firm.

Wanjiru was arrested on August 27, 2026, and presented before the court on August 28.

During the bail hearing, the prosecution asked the court to consider the amount involved when determining her release terms and urged the magistrate to take into consideration the circumstances of the case.

Wanjiru denied the charge and was released on a Ksh 1 million bond or a cash bail of Ksh 1 million.

The case will be mentioned on December 2, 2026.

Some customers using NCBA Bank’s LOOP platform are questioning how the lender determines eligibility for business loans after spending months transacting through the service without receiving credit facilities.

The customers include business owners who say they use LOOP for payments and other commercial transactions. Some operate registered companies in which they are the sole directors.

They say they have continued using the platform and paying applicable transaction charges but have not accessed business loans or received clear explanations about the conditions required to qualify.

NCBA markets LOOP for Business as a platform offering payment services, business management tools and financing products, including overdrafts and term loans.

The bank’s terms state that access to credit is subject to assessment and that NCBA has discretion over whether to approve an application. Maintaining an active LOOP account or processing transactions through the platform does not guarantee access to a loan.

Some customers say they want the bank to clarify whether eligibility is affected by transaction volumes, account age, turnover, credit history or company ownership structures.

They are also asking whether companies with one director are assessed differently from those with multiple directors.

One customer who contacted this publication said some company owners had continued using LOOP for months believing that sustained transaction activity could improve their chances of obtaining credit.

The customer said the issue was particularly concerning for sole directors who operate registered companies, generate transactions through LOOP and pay transaction charges but have not received financing offers.

NCBA’s broader business banking information identifies factors such as account conduct, repayment ability and business cash flows as relevant to lending decisions.

Public reviews of LOOP have also included complaints about transaction failures, technical disruptions, customer support and charges. Some users have said they used the platform for extended periods without receiving loan offers.

The customers raising the issue want NCBA to explain whether transaction activity contributes to credit scoring and, if so, what level of activity may make a customer eligible for consideration.

They also want information on whether the age of a business, company directorship, average monthly turnover, credit history or other factors affect access to LOOP financing.

Customers say they are not asking for automatic loan approval. They want clearer information about the eligibility requirements and the factors that determine credit decisions.

They are also asking whether sole-director companies qualify for the same facilities as other companies, what minimum account history is required, whether turnover affects credit limits and how transaction behaviour influences lending decisions.

Kenyan governors are facing fresh scrutiny over how counties spend public money after three devolved units channelled more than half their ordinary revenue into salaries, far above the legal ceiling.

Taita Taveta and Homa Bay each allocated 63 percent of their revenue to personnel costs, while Machakos spent 58 percent. The figures place Governor Andrew Mwadime, Governor Gladys Wanga, and Governor Wavinya Ndeti under renewed pressure to explain why payroll costs are consuming money meant for development.

The numbers also expose a deeper problem threatening devolution: counties are struggling to balance growing public employment with citizens’ demand for services.

Counties Spend Billions on Salaries as Development Money Shrinks ¶

The Salaries and Remuneration Commission (SRC) has placed Taita Taveta and Homa Bay among counties facing the most severe wage bill pressure in the country.

Both counties spent 63 percent of their ordinary revenue on personnel emoluments, according to the Commission’s Fourth Quarter Wage Bill Bulletin.

That means nearly two-thirds of the revenue available to these county governments was absorbed by employee compensation.

The situation raises difficult questions about the amount of money remaining for roads, hospitals, water projects, markets and other development programmes that residents expect from their county administrations.

Machakos was not far behind.

The county, led by Governor Wavinya Ndeti, spent 58 per cent of its ordinary revenue on personnel emoluments, placing it substantially above the statutory threshold.

Governors Face Questions Over Public Spending ¶

The figures are politically significant because county governments have long presented themselves as engines of local development and service delivery.

Yet when salaries consume such a large proportion of available revenue, governors have less fiscal room to finance visible projects or respond to urgent demands from residents.

The Public Finance Management Act requires county governments to keep expenditure on personnel emoluments below 35 percent of ordinary revenue.

The three counties therefore exceeded the legal benchmark by wide margins.

Homa Bay and Taita Taveta were 28 percentage points above the ceiling, while Machakos exceeded it by 23 percentage points.

The gap puts the spotlight on county leadership and raises questions about recruitment, payroll management, staffing structures and the sustainability of county workforces.

County Wage Bill Rises By Ksh16.42 Billion ¶

Across the country, county governments spent Ksh171.36 billion on salaries during the period under review.

That was an increase of Ksh16.42 billion from the Ksh154.94 billion recorded during a similar period in the 2024/2025 financial year.

The increase illustrates the growing cost of maintaining county administrations and service delivery systems.

While employees are essential to running hospitals, schools, public offices and other services, the rapid growth in personnel expenditure creates a difficult political trade-off.

Every additional shilling committed to salaries is money that cannot simultaneously be used for development.

Only Four Counties Stayed Below The Threshold ¶

The SRC report shows that only Tana River, Kwale, Nakuru and Uasin Gishu managed to keep their wage-bill-to-revenue ratios below the 35 percent threshold during the first nine months of the 2025/2026 financial year.

Their performance contrasts sharply with counties where personnel costs have swallowed more than half of ordinary revenue.

The disparity suggests that county governments are operating under very different levels of fiscal discipline and revenue performance.

It also raises the question of whether counties exceeding the threshold are doing enough to contain their payrolls.

Revenue Growth Masks Deeper Spending Problems ¶

There was one positive development in the SRC figures.

The average ratio of personnel expenditure to revenue fell from 46.8 per cent to 44.12 per cent.

However, the improvement was largely supported by revenue growth rather than a dramatic reduction in the wage bill.

That distinction matters.

A county can appear healthier on paper simply because its revenue increases faster than its salary costs. But if payroll continues expanding, the underlying problem remains.

The SRC warned that the public service wage bill continues to rise despite efforts to improve fiscal sustainability.

Public Sector Employment Surges ¶

The broader public service workforce has also expanded significantly. The number of public service workers reached 1.07 million in 2025, up from 884,700 in 2020.

The Teachers Service Commission remains the largest public employer, followed by national government ministries and county governments.

SRC attributed the rising wage bill partly to expansion in the teaching, health, and security sectors, as well as periodic salary adjustments intended to reflect changes in the cost of living.

The national public service wage bill is projected to rise from Ksh1.247 trillion in 2024/2025 to Ksh1.287 trillion in 2025/2026.

Wage Bill Crisis Could Undermine Devolution ¶

The figures expose one of the most persistent challenges facing Kenya’s devolved system: counties must provide more services while operating under tight financial constraints.

The SRC projects the national wage-bill-to-ordinary-revenue ratio to fall from 41.82 per cent in 2024/2025 to 40.68 per cent in 2025/2026.

That projected improvement offers some relief, but it does not erase the problems at the county level.

For residents of Homa Bay, Taita Taveta, and Machakos, the central question is increasingly straightforward: how much of their county revenue is actually reaching development projects after salaries and administrative costs are paid?

As governors defend their spending priorities, the wage bill figures provide ammunition for critics who argue that devolution risks becoming too expensive to deliver the transformation Kenyans were promised.

The political pressure will only intensify if high payroll costs are accompanied by stalled projects, poor services, and growing demands for more county funding.

For county leaders, controlling personnel expenditure is therefore no longer simply an accounting issue. It is becoming a test of political accountability, fiscal discipline and whether devolution can deliver value for taxpayers.

Safaricom is facing fresh questions over working conditions at its headquarters after a security controller lamented that some personnel stationed at the telecommunications company’s main offices have gone for as long as 18 months without receiving salaries.

The employee, who requested anonymity because of concerns about possible retaliation, said repeated efforts to secure payment had failed and that the prolonged lack of income had pushed some affected workers into severe financial hardship.

The worker said they had been unable to keep up with rent and were currently staying with friends while waiting for the salary dispute to be resolved.

“I’m working at Safaricom HQ as a security controller where we have not been paid our salaries for the past 18 months,” the employee said. “I can’t even afford rent now. I’m moving from one friend’s house to another.”

It was not immediately clear whether the affected security controllers are employed directly by Safaricom or by a private security company contracted to provide services at the company’s headquarters.

That distinction could determine which entity carries the direct obligation to pay the workers, but the allegations are likely to raise questions for Safaricom over oversight of contractors and labour conditions involving personnel working at its facilities.

Safaricom had not publicly addressed the specific allegations by the time of publication.

The claims come at a difficult moment for Kenya’s largest telecommunications operator, which has also faced growing scrutiny over the quality and reliability of some of its services.

Recent assessments by the Communications Authority of Kenya have pointed to weaknesses in customer experience across the telecommunications industry, including concerns around internet speeds, network reliability and the handling of consumer complaints.

Safaricom, despite remaining the country’s dominant mobile operator, has not been immune from those concerns.

The company’s overall customer experience score declined in the regulator’s latest assessment compared with the previous reporting period, while satisfaction with internet speeds remained among the areas attracting attention.

Customers have also complained publicly in recent months about disruptions affecting mobile and home internet services, difficulties accessing some digital services and changes to data products.

Safaricom has acknowledged and responded to some of those complaints, including service disruptions affecting customers.

The developments have placed additional pressure on Chief Executive Peter Ndegwa and the company’s board, chaired by lawyer Adil Khawaja, as Safaricom seeks to balance rapid expansion, heavy infrastructure investment and growing expectations from millions of customers who rely on its network and M-Pesa platform.

Ndegwa has led Safaricom since 2020, overseeing a period in which the company expanded further beyond Kenya while maintaining its position as one of East Africa’s largest and most profitable businesses and many scandals.

Khawaja has chaired Safaricom’s board since 2023 and is responsible, together with other directors, for oversight of the company’s management, strategy and corporate governance.

The allegation involving security controllers now adds a labour question to the broader scrutiny facing the company.

The employee who spoke about the alleged salary arrears said workers had repeatedly sought help but had not received a satisfactory explanation about when the money would be paid.

A cloud of uncertainty and financial distress is hanging over a group of former contract workers who were deployed to Airtel Kenya through the human resources outsourcing firm Sheer Logic Management Consultants Limited, as these employees, whose contracts officially concluded on the thirtieth of June, now find themselves in a distressing situation where their final salary payments, including all accrued benefits and pending dues, have been withheld indefinitely.

Despite completing all clearance procedures and handing over company property, the workers have received no communication from Sheer Logic regarding the status of their payments. Their repeated emails go unanswered, and phone calls to the company's HR and payroll departments are either ignored or met with unhelpful responses from staff who claim they cannot assist. With each passing day, the affected employees grow more anxious as rent deadlines approach and household expenses mount.

The delay in payment has also raised concerns about whether Sheer Logic remitted their statutory deductions, including contributions to the Social Health Authority (SHA) and the National Social Security Fund (NSSF), which could affect their access to healthcare and future pension benefits.

Some of the affected workers have already started the process of lodging formal complaints with the Ministry of Labour and Social Protection, while others are considering legal action against the outsourcing firm to compel it to honour its obligations. They are now appealing to Sheer Logic to break its silence, explain the reason for the delay, and immediately process all outstanding payments.

Sheer Logic Management Consultants Limited has built a strong public image over the years, describing itself as an award-winning leader in recruitment, outsourcing, and training services across East Africa.

The company operates from its headquarters at View Park Towers in Nairobi and maintains a branch in Mombasa. It has long marketed itself as a trusted partner for both corporate clients and job seekers, promising fairness, professionalism, and timely payment for all contract staff.

The current treatment of these former Airtel workers, however, paints a very different picture, one that contradicts the firm's carefully crafted reputation.

What makes the situation even more frustrating for the affected employees is the complete absence of any explanation.

They understand that administrative delays can sometimes occur, and they would have been willing to exercise patience if Sheer Logic had only communicated with them openly.

A simple acknowledgment of their emails or a timeline for when they might expect their payments would have gone a long way in easing their anxiety.

Instead, the company has chosen to remain silent, leaving the workers in the dark and forcing them to draw their own conclusions about the firm's intentions.

The role of Airtel Kenya in this dispute has also come under scrutiny.

While the telecommunications company is not the direct employer of these workers, it engaged Sheer Logic as its outsourcing partner and bears some responsibility for ensuring that the firm treats its staff fairly.

It remains unclear whether Airtel's management is aware of the predicament facing these former contract workers, or whether Sheer Logic has been transparent with its client about its failure to settle final dues.

The workers are now calling on Airtel to intervene and pressure Sheer Logic to release their payments promptly.

"Good afternoon Cyprian. Some of us have been working with Airtel under Sheerlogic Limited. Our contract ended on June 30th, and we cleared everything. Since then, they have refused to pay our final dues, and they even refuse to respond to our emails or calls."

A storm is brewing over the Kenya Universities and Colleges Central Placement Service (KUCCPS) and the Kenya Medical Training College (KMTC) as students and parents raise serious questions about the integrity of the placement system, with growing suspicion that placements are being manipulated for financial gain and that some seats are being sold to the highest bidders.

KMTC, which trains thousands of healthcare professionals annually, has surrendered its independent admissions mandate to KUCCPS, meaning that all regular certificate and diploma programme placements are now processed through the centralised placement service, but parents and students now believe that this arrangement has created a breeding ground for corruption, exploitation and unexplained disparities in access to sought after training opportunities.

The complaints are not confined to students receiving institutions or courses they did not want, but extend to applicants who say their KCSE results were not reflected in the placements they received, others who were left without any placement, and families who have encountered difficulties obtaining admission letters even after receiving SMS confirmations from the placement system.

At the centre of the dispute is KUCCPS, the government agency responsible for coordinating placement into universities, TVET institutions, polytechnics and KMTC, with the agency matching applicants against course requirements, cluster points, institutional capacity and the preferences submitted through its online portal before forwarding successful placements to the respective institutions.

For regular pre service students seeking admission to KMTC, the distinction is important because applicants no longer deal directly with KMTC for the initial placement exercise, with KUCCPS responsible for processing applications and generating the placement list while the college takes over once placement has been completed.

Yet it is this initial stage that is now attracting sustained complaints, with students and parents questioning how applicants with apparently strong academic results can end up with less favourable placements while other applicants with lower marks obtain positions that appear more desirable.

The concerns have increasingly moved beyond individual disappointment to questions about the consistency of the placement system itself, particularly where affected applicants say they cannot establish why their results, course preferences and eventual placements do not appear to correspond.

Good Grades, Unexpected Placements ¶

One of the most contentious complaints is the apparent mismatch between academic performance and placement outcomes.

Students who attained strong KCSE grades say they expected to compete for institutions and programmes commensurate with those results, only to receive placements they regard as considerably less favourable, while applicants with lower grades have obtained places in institutions perceived by students and parents as more competitive.

The disparity has left families asking how KUCCPS ranks applicants and allocates available places, particularly in cases where students with stronger academic profiles appear to have received less favourable outcomes than applicants with lower grades.

The issue is not simply that some students have missed their preferred institution. In some cases, applicants say the placements they received do not appear to correspond with the competitive requirements attached to the courses they selected, leaving them questioning how the matching exercise was applied to their applications.

"I have applied multiple times now and I still do not have a placement. I just want to go to school and become a nurse. Why is it so difficult? What is the point of getting good grades if they do not help you?" said a disappointed student who has been trying to secure a KMTC placement.

For families that have already begun planning for college, an unexpected placement can also carry financial consequences, particularly where accommodation, transport and other expenses had been calculated around a different institution.

A placement therefore determines far more than the name appearing in an SMS because it sets in motion the costs and logistical arrangements required for a student to report and begin training.

Some Applicants Receive No Placement ¶

A separate category of students is confronting a more fundamental problem: they have received no placement at all.

Some applicants say they have applied more than once without securing a place, leaving them outside the training system altogether rather than simply being assigned to an institution they did not prefer.

For these students, there is no campus to report to and no admission process to begin, creating uncertainty over when another opportunity will be available and whether another application will produce a different outcome.

The complaints are particularly difficult to reconcile for applicants who say they met the published requirements for the courses they selected but were nonetheless left without an allocation.

The absence of clear explanations has pushed some applicants onto social media, where students have been publicly asking KUCCPS, KMTC and the Ministry of Education to explain how placement decisions are reached and why applicants with similar academic profiles can receive markedly different outcomes.

Placement Message Arrives, Admission Letter Does Not ¶

The complaints do not end once a student receives a placement.

Some parents and students say they have received SMS notifications informing them that they have secured KMTC placements, including congratulatory messages, only to encounter difficulties when attempting to download their formal admission letters or joining instructions through the KMTC admissions portal.

The situation has created an unusual gap between confirmation of placement and access to the documentation required for admission, leaving families uncertain about the next step even after receiving what appears to be an official placement notification.

For students who have already been assigned a course and campus, an inaccessible admission letter can disrupt preparations for reporting and create further uncertainty at a time when families need to know when and where the student is expected to begin training.

The division of responsibilities between KUCCPS and KMTC makes the problem even more difficult for applicants to navigate because KUCCPS handles the placement while KMTC takes over the admission process after placement has been completed.

The applicants affected by the problem are now asking the two institutions to clarify where responsibility lies when placement has been confirmed but the formal admission documentation cannot be accessed.

The urgency is compounded by the September 8 deadline facing students, leaving affected families with only a limited window to resolve placement, admission and transfer problems before reporting arrangements take effect.

Parents and students are now questioning how they are expected to make informed decisions, secure admission documents, arrange fees, accommodation and transport, or pursue alternative placements when key elements of the process remain unresolved and the available time continues to run down.

Transfers and Reapplication Become Another Obstacle ¶

Students who receive placements they do not want are also encountering difficulty changing them.

Applicants say they have attempted to seek transfers or reapply for institutions they consider more suitable, only to find that opportunities to make changes are restricted or unavailable.

The same frustration is being reported by students who had previously deferred their studies and expected to return to the placement system when they were ready to resume their training.

Some say they have waited for another placement cycle only to discover that the process is primarily structured around new applicants, leaving them without a clear mechanism through which to return or compete for spaces that may have become available.

The explanation that KMTC has limited campuses and that available spaces fill quickly has become part of the discussion, but affected students say the capacity argument does not resolve the larger question of how applicants who have already entered the system can access another opportunity after an unsuitable placement or a deferment.

For a student whose original placement is not workable, the inability to transfer can effectively turn an unwanted allocation into a forced choice, particularly where there is no alternative pathway for securing another campus.

The resulting frustration is particularly acute for students who believe their academic results would allow them to compete for a different institution but are unable to access a process through which that possibility can be tested.

Questions Over the Placement System ¶

The placement model is designed to match applicants with institutions and programmes according to published requirements, applicant preferences and available capacity, with KUCCPS conducting the initial selection before successful applicants proceed to the relevant institution.

For thousands of students, that makes the placement exercise one of the most consequential stages after KCSE because the outcome determines where they begin higher education, what course they pursue and the financial arrangements their families must make.

The growing complaints are therefore raising questions over the transparency of the criteria used to determine individual placements, particularly when affected families cannot understand why applicants with apparently stronger grades have obtained less favourable outcomes.

The suspicion has also taken a more serious turn, with some parents and students questioning whether money or personal influence could be affecting access to highly sought after placements.

Claims that placements are being sold to the highest bidders are serious and have not been established by the complaints presented to this publication, but the persistence of the suspicion reflects the level of distrust now surrounding the process among some affected families.

The demand from students and parents is for KUCCPS to explain how its ranking and matching system operates, how available spaces are distributed and what safeguards exist to prevent manipulation or favouritism.

Social Media Outcry Grows ¶

The complaints have increasingly spilled onto social media, particularly TikTok, where students have been sharing placement outcomes and calling on government agencies to intervene.

Students have been posting about unexpected institutions, failed placements, inaccessible admission documents and difficulties changing their allocations, often directing their appeals to KUCCPS, KMTC and the Ministry of Education.

TikTokEmbedded TikTok video

Third-party content is kept off until you load it.

Load embedWatch on TikTok

The online complaints have brought together applicants experiencing different problems but seeking the same basic answers over how placement decisions are made and what recourse exists where an applicant believes an outcome is wrong.

For parents who have spent years preparing financially for their children to proceed to professional training, the uncertainty has also created practical challenges around fees, accommodation, transport and other costs that depend on knowing where a student has been placed and when they are expected to report.

Who Is Responsible? ¶

The division of responsibilities between KUCCPS and KMTC is central to understanding the complaints.

KUCCPS handles the initial placement of regular pre service students into KMTC certificate and diploma programmes, while KMTC assumes responsibility once placement is complete, including admission, training and the subsequent administration of students.

KUCCPS is headed by Chief Executive Officer Dr Agnes Mercy Wahome, while KMTC is led by Chief Executive Officer Dr Kelly Oluoch and overseen by Board Chairperson Joseah Kiplangat Cheruiyot.

The Ministry of Education, under Cabinet Secretary Julius Migos Ogamba, also provides the wider policy and oversight framework within which the two institutions operate.

That structure means complaints about who received which placement are principally directed at KUCCPS, while problems encountered after placement, such as access to admission documents, fall within the operational responsibilities of KMTC.

For students and parents, the distinction offers little comfort when the placement and admission stages form one continuous process from the applicant’s perspective and a problem at one stage can prevent the student from progressing to the next.

The immediate demand now is for clear explanations of the criteria governing placement, reliable access to admission documents, transparent mechanisms for transfers and reapplication, and a functioning channel through which applicants can challenge outcomes they believe do not reflect their academic performance or submitted preferences.

Unless those questions are addressed, the mismatch between grades and placements, students left without offers, inaccessible admission letters and obstacles facing applicants seeking transfers or reapplication will continue to fuel suspicion around a process that is supposed to determine access to publicly coordinated medical training on the basis of clear and consistently applied criteria.

Workers at Sierra Premium Breweries on Mombasa Road in Nairobi say a climate of fear has taken hold at the plant, with employees describing arbitrary dismissals, harassment and weak internal protections that have left them uncertain about the security of their jobs.

The complaints have centred on the way employment decisions are being made at the facility, with workers saying machine operators and casual employees can be dismissed abruptly, without proper procedures, clear reasons or meaningful intervention from the human resources department.

At the centre of their complaints are Plant Operations Manager Esther Ndiritu and Production and Maintenance Lead Oscar Asavonga, whom employees accuse of wielding extensive authority over hiring and termination decisions while leaving HR with little power to intervene.

Workers say the situation has created an environment in which employees are afraid to challenge management decisions for fear of losing their jobs, with those dismissed left to deal with the financial consequences after taking up positions they expected to retain.

Five machine operators were recently dismissed before completing a month at the plant, according to workers, even though they had been recruited to fill positions for which the brewery had identified a need.

The dismissals have since become a focal point of the complaints, with employees saying the episode demonstrated how quickly jobs can be terminated at the facility and how limited the avenues are for workers seeking an explanation or review of management decisions.

Sierra Premium Breweries was established in 2006 as Kenya’s pioneer boutique and craft brewery and operates using traditional German and Bavarian brewing methods, with its beers produced under the 1516 German Purity Law, which restricts brewing ingredients to water, malt, hops and yeast.

The brewery has attracted investment and backing from international brewers such as Royal Swinkels and Signal Hill Products, while its flagship Sierra Lager has established a presence across Nairobi through retail outlets, beverage platforms and online delivery services.

Workers say the reputation attached to the brand contrasts sharply with conditions inside the Mombasa Road facility, where casual employees in particular are treated as easily replaceable and HR has been unable to provide an effective internal check on employment decisions.

The five machine operators dismissed before completing their first month have become the latest example cited by workers, who say the affected employees were left without income after accepting the positions in expectation of continued employment.

Employees are now calling on founder Alan Murungi and senior management to intervene, investigate the conduct of Ndiritu and Asavonga, and establish clear procedures governing recruitment, discipline, dismissal and the handling of workplace grievances.

The workers have also called on the Ministry of Labour and other relevant authorities to visit the Mombasa Road facility and examine the conditions under which employees work and the manner in which employment decisions are handled.

They want the human resources department to have a meaningful role in decisions affecting workers, with clear channels through which employees can challenge disciplinary action, seek explanations for dismissal and lodge workplace grievances.

For the workers raising the complaint, the issue extends beyond the dismissal of five machine operators to the manner in which employment is being managed across the plant, with employees saying the authority exercised by Ndiritu and grAsavonga has created an environment in which workers fear losing their livelihoods while having limited avenues to challenge decisions.

The complaints come as Sierra Premium Breweries continues to expand the visibility of Sierra Lager in the Kenyan market, bringing renewed attention to conditions inside its Mombasa Road plant and to the employment systems governing the workforce behind the brand.

"Good evening Cyprian. You should pay a visit to Sierra Premium Breweries Ltd and see real employees tortured by the plant operations manager and production and maintenance lead. It's hell on earth. Firing of machine operators and casuals is the order of the day and HR has no say because these two individuals have the final say. Recently they fired 5 machine operators who had not even finished a month in the plant. The plant operations manager is Esther Ndiritu and the production and maintenance lead is Oscar Asavonga. Kindly help us expose this so that the relevant authorities can intervene before more workers lose their livelihoods for no justifiable reason."

A troubling complaint has landed on the desks of Kenya's key oversight bodies, pointing to serious violations of public service regulations in the recruitment of a senior legal officer at the National Environment Management Authority (NEMA).

The detailed report, addressed to the Chairman of the Commission on Administrative Justice (CAJ), the Chairman of the Ethics and Anti-Corruption Commission (EACC), the Head of Public Service Felix Koskei, and the Principal Secretary (PS) for the Ministry of Environment Festus Ng’eno, says the recruitment process was manipulated to favour an underqualified candidate with a direct connection to a NEMA board member.

For years, the authority has operated without a substantive Corporation Secretary, relying on lawyers in an acting capacity, a situation that prompted the advertising of the position (Grade E2) on June 30, 2026, through a MyGov newspaper notice with specific requirements accessible online.

NEMA is governed by a Board of Management chaired by Emilio Mugo, while Dr. Mamo B. Mamo serves as Director General, with Dr. Lilian Apadet serving as chairperson of the Board's Human Resources Committee.

From a pool of twelve applicants, the human resource unit identified only four candidates who met the mandatory qualifications.

Against the HR recommendation, the board decided to invite all twelve applicants for interviews.

The decision was made to accommodate a candidate, Ms. Jessica Karimi Mbai, who was known to have a prior working relationship with a NEMA board member, Dr. Lilian Apadet. Dr. Apadet, who chairs the Board's Human Resources Committee, previously served as a Director at the Kenya Maritime Authority (KMA), the same institution where Ms. Mbai has served as Corporation Secretary and Director of Legal Services for the past three years.

According to the complaint, Ms. Mbai did not meet the minimum qualifications for the position, lacking the mandatory fifteen years of work experience and the five years of managerial experience specified in the job advertisement.

Her admission to the Bar in August 2012 means she has approximately fourteen years of professional experience at the time of the application.

The whistleblower further points to several provisions of the Public Service Commission (Affirmative Action) Regulations that were breached during the recruitment process.

Under the regulations, all shortlisted candidates must meet the minimum advertised requirements for a position, a shortlisting report must be submitted to the Public Service Commission within seven days of completion, and no interviews can commence without the Commission's written approval of the shortlist.

Regulation 14(2) also bars any person involved in the shortlisting process from serving on the interview panel for the same position.

The complaint also cites the involvement of NEMA Director General Dr. Mamo B. Mamo in relation to this requirement, with the whistleblower pointing to the shortlist recommendation sign off and the interview attendance sheet.

The complaint further questions whether Dr. Apadet declared a conflict of interest during the interviews, given her previous role at the KMA and her connection to Ms. Mbai.

The interviews were scheduled for August 27, 2026, and all twelve applicants were interviewed, with some board members opposing the decision and declining to attend.

Below is the communication submitted to this publication by the whistle-blower under a request for anonymity, with the same complaint and its accompanying documentary evidence also addressed to the Chairman of CAJ, the Chairman of EACC, the Head of Public Service and the Principal Secretary for the Ministry of Environment for consideration and appropriate action.

The World Bank, through its private sector arm, the International Finance Corporation, has launched an assessment of Kenya’s Hustler Fund, opening a potentially significant new examination of President William Ruto’s flagship credit programme nearly four years after it was introduced as a solution to financial exclusion and limited access to affordable credit.

The assessment will examine both the quantitative and qualitative impact of the programme, including how beneficiaries have used the loans, their repayment behaviour and the extent to which the fund’s savings component has improved financial resilience among low-income Kenyans.

The findings are expected by the end of 2026 and could provide the most comprehensive independent evaluation yet of whether the Hustler Fund has delivered the economic transformation promised by the government when the programme was launched.

World Bank begins deeper examination of Hustler Fund ¶

Cooperatives Principal Secretary Susan Mang’eni disclosed the assessment during an interview with NTV on Tuesday, September 1, saying the World Bank, with support from IFC, had already commenced both a quantitative assessment and an impact assessment of the fund.

The announcement comes at a critical stage for a programme that has been at the centre of the government's economic empowerment agenda, particularly its efforts to expand access to affordable credit for individuals and small businesses that have traditionally struggled to obtain financing from commercial banks and other formal lenders.

Rather than simply measuring the number of loans issued, the assessment is expected to examine what beneficiaries actually did with the money and whether access to the fund produced measurable improvements in income, business activity, savings and financial inclusion.

That distinction could prove important because the success of a credit programme cannot be determined solely by the number of borrowers reached or the amount of money disbursed.

The more important question is whether the borrowing has generated productive economic activity or merely provided temporary financial relief to households facing persistent income pressures.

Government's impressive reach faces independent scrutiny ¶

The government says the Hustler Fund has reached approximately 28 million Kenyans since its establishment, with close to 10 million borrowers now using the facility regularly.

The figures demonstrate the extraordinary reach of a digital lending programme designed to place small amounts of credit within the immediate reach of millions of Kenyans through mobile technology.

However, the programme's size also makes the World Bank's assessment particularly important, because millions of individual borrowing decisions create a complex picture that headline figures alone cannot capture.

A borrower who takes a small loan to purchase stock for a retail business, for example, represents a very different economic outcome from another borrower who takes the same amount to pay rent, purchase food or settle an existing debt.

The assessment therefore has the potential to expose the difference between access to credit and genuine financial empowerment, particularly if researchers can establish how frequently borrowers used the money for productive purposes and whether the loans contributed to sustainable improvements in their livelihoods.

Hustler Fund has created a new financial identity ¶

Beyond the money disbursed, one of the programme's most significant developments has been the volume of financial data generated through millions of borrowing and repayment transactions.

Mang’eni said the government has used this information to establish a behavioural credit rating system that categorises borrowers from A1 to C3 according to their borrowing and repayment behaviour, with A representing the strongest category.

The system is intended to give borrowers a financial identity that can potentially help them graduate into larger and more formal sources of credit.

For millions of Kenyans who have historically operated outside conventional financial systems, the ability to demonstrate a positive repayment history could eventually become an important gateway to bank loans, business financing and other financial services.

However, the same system raises questions about how borrower behaviour will affect access to credit in the future, particularly for individuals who repeatedly borrow and struggle to repay.

The World Bank's assessment could therefore provide valuable insight into whether the Hustler Fund is helping borrowers build stronger financial profiles or creating another cycle of small scale borrowing among households that remain financially vulnerable.

The Credit Reference Bureau Question ¶

The government's case for the Hustler Fund has also been closely tied to financial inclusion and the longstanding problem of negative Credit Reference Bureau listings.

Mang’eni said millions of Kenyans had previously been negatively listed with CRBs but argued that the situation has changed, with more people now developing positive credit records through their participation in formal financial services.

That development, if supported by independent evidence, would represent an important achievement because a positive credit history can significantly improve an individual's ability to obtain financing from formal institutions.

The critical issue, however, is whether improved credit records are translating into productive borrowing and higher household incomes rather than simply making it easier for financially constrained Kenyans to access additional debt.

This is where the World Bank's impact assessment could become particularly revealing because it has the opportunity to examine the relationship between borrowing behaviour, repayment performance and actual economic outcomes among beneficiaries.

Ksh7 billion savings offer another measure of success ¶

The assessment will also examine the savings component of the Hustler Fund, which the government says has accumulated more than Ksh7 billion in short and long term savings over nearly three years.

The savings figure is significant because one of the programme's stated objectives was to encourage a culture of saving among Kenyans who have historically had limited access to formal financial products.

Savings can provide households with a financial buffer during emergencies, reduce dependence on expensive borrowing and create capital that can eventually be invested in businesses or other productive activities.

But the headline figure alone does not reveal how widely those savings are distributed among beneficiaries, whether individuals are consistently saving or whether the accumulated funds are sufficient to materially improve household financial security.

The World Bank assessment could provide a more detailed picture by examining savings behaviour alongside borrowing patterns and household outcomes.

World Bank support has entered a new phase ¶

The latest assessment is particularly noteworthy because it comes roughly three years after the World Bank publicly expressed support for the Hustler Fund.

In 2023, World Bank representatives held consultations with President William Ruto on ways of supporting the programme and other government-backed lending initiatives aimed at empowering vulnerable Kenyans.

World Bank Regional Vice President for Eastern Africa Victoria Kwakwa said at the time that the institution strongly associated itself with programmes designed to empower poor and vulnerable populations and indicated that the bank would explore technical and financial support for such initiatives.

The institution is now moving beyond broad support and into measurement of actual outcomes, making the forthcoming report potentially important not only for the Hustler Fund but also for Kenya's wider approach to government backed lending.

For the Ruto administration, the findings could strengthen one of two very different narratives.

If the assessment establishes that the fund has helped businesses expand, increased savings, improved credit histories and brought previously excluded Kenyans into the formal financial system, it would provide independent evidence supporting the government's argument that the programme is delivering meaningful economic empowerment.

If, however, the assessment finds that significant borrowing has been directed towards consumption, debt repayment or short term household survival without corresponding improvements in incomes and business performance, questions over the long term sustainability and effectiveness of the programme are likely to intensify.

The government has already supplied the headline numbers, including millions of borrowers, billions of shillings disbursed and more than Ksh7 billion in savings.

What remains to be established is whether those numbers represent genuine economic transformation.

That is ultimately the question the World Bank and IFC assessment will have to answer, and its findings could determine whether the Hustler Fund is remembered as a transformative financial inclusion programme or as a massive experiment in digital lending whose reach proved easier to demonstrate than its lasting impact.

Tenants in Githunguri, Kiambu County, have raised complaints over delays in the return of rental deposits after vacating houses managed by Ethendos Investments Ltd, with the disputes centred on how refunds are handled once a tenancy comes to an end.

Several former tenants who spoke to this publication described difficulties recovering money they had paid as security deposits, with the disputes arising after they had given notice and completed the process of moving out.

The complaints point to recurring disagreements between tenants and the property management company over the timing of refunds, deductions made from deposits and charges linked to the condition of houses after occupants leave.

The tenants have called for clearer explanations of deductions and faster settlement of deposits, while seeking intervention over what they say has become a difficult process for former occupants attempting to recover money held during their tenancy.

"Hello Cyprian. I have an issue which I feel you can help solve. Hope I will remain anonymous. There is a house agent in Githunguri, Kiambu County, who is denying tenants their deposits when they leave. They will take you in circles, “kuja kesho”, “utatumiwa Monday” and other stories. They are also deducting everything, like, “You know we are deducting money for painting plus labour,” “that sink over there is not okay, we will need to replace it,” and “the flush is not working.” Yet by the time the tenant is clearing to leave, everything was okay, but when it is time for the refund, these are the stories. Please intervene so that they can stop this con game against innocent Kenyans. The name of the agent is Ethendos Property. Kindly intervene. They are conning innocent Kenyans."

A Nairobi lawyer has been exposed for pocketing Ksh 2.9 million from a client who sought help recovering Ksh 11 million from a debtor, delivering no recovery in return and then dictating his own repayment schedule, under which the client was to receive the money back in monthly instalments stretching to September 2026.

The lawyer at the centre of the complaint is Ambrose Ochuka Abongo of Ambrose Ochuka & Company Advocates, whose offices are located at Krishna Centre in Westlands.

The matter is before the Advocates Complaints Commission, while a parallel investigation by the Directorate of Criminal Investigations (DCI) has found that Ochuka obtained money through a fraudulent scheme, with the file now awaiting the Office of the Director of Public Prosecutions (ODPP) to approve the charges before prosecution.

The Law Society of Kenya (LSK) has also been drawn into the dispute, with a separate complaint lodged over the advocate's conduct.

The proceedings have now placed Ochuka under increased scrutiny within the legal fraternity, with calls growing for his suspension and the harshest disciplinary measures available for breaching professional rules.

How the Client Was Lured Into the Scheme ¶

When the client approached the advocate in September 2025 after losing Ksh 11 million to a debtor named Pinto Kidige Omonge, Ochuka informed him that Omonge was also his client in a separate property transaction involving a house in Kajiado.

Ochuka then presented a plan under which the client would provide money to clear the outstanding balance on the property, allowing the debtor to acquire the property before the client commenced legal proceedings to attach it and recover the Ksh 11 million debt, with the proposed arrangement requiring Ksh 5,362,537 from the client.

Between December 2025 and March 2026, the client remitted Ksh 1,000,000 on 15th December, Ksh 1,000,000 on 12th January, Ksh 200,000 on 17th January, Ksh 400,000 on 25th February, Ksh 200,000 on 11th March and Ksh 100,000 on 20th March, bringing the total amount paid to Ksh 2,900,000, with the demand letter setting out the purpose for which the money was advanced.

Screenshots reviewed by this publication show Ochuka directing the client to make payments to an Ambrose Ochuka & Co. Advocates Clients Account at Diamond Trust Bank, details he confirmed to the client on WhatsApp.

Other payment records show money sent through M-Pesa to a mobile number registered in Ochuka's name, as well as several Pesalink transfers to an account identified as Ambrose Ochuka & Co.

"The said monies were paid to you on the clear understanding that they were to facilitate and/or aid the intended recovery process and auction proceedings concerning the aforesaid property," the demand letter states.

The client was unable to raise the full Ksh 5,362,537 required under the arrangement, bringing the proposed property transfer to a halt, while the original Ksh 11 million debt remained unpaid and the Ksh 2.9 million already advanced towards the recovery process remained with the advocate.

In his response to the complaint, Ochuka acknowledged that the amount received was below the required Ksh 5,362,537, saying the shortfall had frustrated the arrangement, yet he continued to hold the money already paid by the client without returning it.

"This amount fell short of the initially requested advancement and as such frustrated the arrangement," Ochuka wrote, while simultaneously refusing to return the Ksh 2.9 million already in his possession.

A letter dated 27th February 2025 from Fatah and Company Advocates further reveals that Ochuka was holding the original title documents for the property in question, with the professional undertaking providing for the release and receipt of the documents before the balance of Ksh 1,550,000 would be remitted to his account within 30 days.

"Upon your release and receipt by our firm of the original Title Documents of property Known as Town House No 1 Title No. KAJIADO/KAPUTIEI NORTH/113994, our Client shall remit the balance of Kenya Shillings One Million Five Hundred and Fifty Thousand (Ksh 1,550,000) to your account within thirty (30) days," the professional undertaking states, placing Ochuka directly within the property transaction upon which the proposed recovery arrangement depended.

On 14th May 2026, the client's new lawyers, Fatah and Company Advocates, issued a demand letter that left nothing to ambiguity, seeking the immediate return of the Ksh 2.9 million after the recovery process had failed to produce the intended outcome.

"Take notice therefore that we hereby demand the immediate and unconditional refund of the sum of Kenya Shillings Two Million nine Hundred Thousand (Ksh 2,900,000) within forty-eight (48) hours from the time of receipt of this letter," the letter states.

"You have failed and/or neglected to undertake the agreed process or refund the monies to our Client, thereby turning the entire transaction into a scheme aimed at unlawfully obtaining money by false pretences," the letter continues, warning that failure to refund would result in both civil and criminal proceedings against him.

The advocate responded on 17th May 2026 by dismissing the demand as grossly misguided while acknowledging receipt of Ksh 2.9 million and promising to return the funds, but only according to a repayment arrangement that mirrored the instalments through which the client had advanced the money.

"The undersigned acknowledges receipt of the sum of KES. 2,900,000 as an advancement from your client and accepts to refund your client in the same manner and fashion of advancement," Ochuka wrote, proposing to pay Ksh 1,000,000 on or before 15th June, Ksh 1,000,000 on or before 12th July, Ksh 200,000 on or before 17th July, Ksh 400,000 on or before 25th August, Ksh 200,000 on or before 11th September and Ksh 100,000 on or before 20th September 2026.

"The undersigned shall not pay the sum of KES. 2,900,000 within the forty-eight (48) hours or any such other timelines that fall short of the time taken by your client to advance him the said funds but shall refund the same as above stated," Ochuka wrote, making clear that the refund would not be governed by the 48-hour demand issued by the client but by a timetable set out in his own response.

Ochuka also stated that he was no longer interested in continuing with the arrangement at all, effectively bringing the original recovery plan to an end while the Ksh 2.9 million paid towards it remained outstanding.

The demand letter explicitly accused Ochuka of unlawfully obtaining money by false pretences, a criminal offence under the Kenyan Penal Code carrying a maximum sentence of imprisonment.

The most striking aspect of the response was not merely the refusal to make an immediate refund, but the decision by the advocate to impose his own repayment terms after the arrangement for which the money had been advanced had failed.

Rather than treating the failed engagement as requiring the prompt resolution of the outstanding funds, Ochuka took the position that repayment would follow a timetable of his choosing, effectively converting money advanced for a professional engagement into an amount to be repaid over a period determined by the person who had received it.

The approach is particularly troubling because the client had approached the advocate precisely because he was seeking to recover money already lost to a debtor.

Instead of resolving that underlying dispute, the engagement ended with the proposed recovery failing and the client having to pursue the return of funds advanced to his own advocate.

Such conduct raises serious questions about the manner in which the advocate handled funds entrusted to him for a specific legal purpose, particularly after the arrangement on which the payments were based had ceased to proceed.

DCI Investigation ¶

The criminal investigation into Ochuka's activities began when the client reported the matter to the DCI at Parklands Police Station, prompting investigators to examine the documents provided by the client, including the demand letter, the professional undertaking and the advocate's response.

After reviewing the evidence, investigators established that Ochuka had obtained money through a scheme that amounted to a conning operation, concluding that the promise to help the client recover his debt was a fraudulent scheme designed to extract money from a desperate victim.

Their inquiry documented a consistent pattern of behaviour in which the advocate identified vulnerable clients who had suffered financial losses, presented elaborate recovery plans, collected substantial sums of money and then failed to deliver the promised results while refusing to return the funds except on terms designed to frustrate and exhaust the victims.

Evidence gathered during the investigation further indicated that Ochuka had employed the same modus operandi against multiple other victims, targeting clients who were desperate and willing to do anything to recover their money.

Investigators said the evidence pointed to an operation designed to defraud vulnerable members of the public, with their findings indicating that Ochuka had repeatedly promised recovery while failing to deliver the results presented to clients.

The DCI file has since been forwarded to the Office of the Director of Public Prosecutions (ODPP), with investigators recommending that Ochuka face criminal prosecution for obtaining money by false pretences, an offence carrying a maximum sentence of imprisonment under Kenyan law.

"He is known in legal circles as someone who preys on desperate clients," an advocate who has practiced in Nairobi for over two decades told this publication on condition of anonymity.

"The money goes in, nothing comes out, and the client is left with no recourse except a complaint that takes years to resolve."

More Victims Coming Forward ¶

The complaint has now prompted other clients who say they have had similar experiences with Ochuka to come forward, with some considering presenting their own cases and supporting documents to the relevant authorities as the matter gains wider attention.

They have been encouraged to report their cases to the DCI at Parklands Police Station and lodge complaints with the Advocates Complaints Commission, so that the authorities can also take up their grievances.

The client at the centre of the current case has vowed to pursue every available legal avenue until his money is recovered, refusing to accept the repayment timetable imposed by Ochuka or allow the matter to end with the advocate returning the funds at his own convenience.

Having already lost Ksh 11 million in the original debt dispute, the client is now pursuing the return of the money he advanced during the attempted recovery process, with the complaint before the Advocates Complaints Commission and the criminal investigation providing separate avenues through which he is seeking redress.

The client has made clear that he intends to continue pursuing the matter until he recovers his money, while the other clients being encouraged to report their own experiences could add further complaints to the cases already before the authorities.

For anyone considering engaging Ambrose Ochuka Abongo of Ambrose Ochuka & Company Advocates, the developments serve as a warning to exercise caution before handing over money or entering into an engagement with the firm.

Embakasi East MP Babu Owino has delivered a blunt warning to members of Linda Mwananchi, demanding political loyalty and accusing some figures of trying to undermine the opposition movement from within. Speaking at a Linda Mwananchi rally in Meru County on August 30, Owino said the movement could not afford internal divisions as it positions itself ahead of the 2027 General Election. The MP declared that anyone joining the movement must fully support its agenda, warning those backing rival political interests that they should instead support President William Ruto. Babu Owino Demands Total Loyalty Owino said Linda Mwananchi had already established its political direction and would not accommodate individuals attempting to operate on both sides of the political divide.

He warned members against maintaining links with competing political camps while presenting themselves as supporters of the opposition movement.

“You came and found Linda Mwananchi continuing with its journey; you must therefore support whatever we are doing,” Owino said.

He added that members unwilling to fully back the movement should support Ruto rather than create divisions within the opposition.

“We won't allow any character who wants to have a foot in Linda Mwananchi and the other outside,” he stated. Sifuna Gets Babu's Full Backing Owino also used the rally to dismiss claims that he has been reluctant to support Nairobi Senator Edwin Sifuna's political ambitions.

The Embakasi East MP, who has previously indicated his interest in the presidency in 2032, declared that he fully supports Sifuna for the 2027 contest.

Owino said his long political association with Sifuna had given him an understanding of the senator that few other members of the movement possess.

“I am supporting Edwin Sifuna. No one in Linda Mwananchi knows him more than I,” he said. “We have endured a lot together in ODM until where we are today. I am with him 100 per cent.”

The declaration comes as opposition politics become increasingly competitive, with multiple figures positioning themselves for the 2027 presidential race. Orengo's Presidential Bid Complicates Opposition Politics Owino's remarks come days after Siaya Senator James Orengo, a co-principal in Linda Mwananchi, announced that he would also seek the presidency in 2027.

Orengo's declaration has added another layer of competition within a movement that is yet to settle on a single presidential candidate.

The veteran politician has presented his long political experience and historical links to Kenya's opposition movement as part of his case for seeking the country's top office.

The competing ambitions could test whether Linda Mwananchi can maintain unity while accommodating politicians with different presidential interests. Babu Takes Aim at Political Bloggers Owino also turned his attention to bloggers covering opposition politics, demanding that they openly declare their political allegiance.

He argued that bloggers supporting the government should not simultaneously portray themselves as opposition voices while covering or promoting Linda Mwananchi activities.

“And if you are a blogger, you cannot be a government blogger, and then the opposition blogger, you must take a stand,” Owino said.

The remarks underline the increasingly combative political environment ahead of the 2027 elections, with politicians seeking to control both the movement's internal direction and the narrative surrounding the opposition. Linda Mwananchi Faces Unity Test Babu's warning exposes one of the biggest challenges facing Linda Mwananchi: maintaining unity as individual leaders begin positioning themselves for the 2027 presidential contest.

With Sifuna and Orengo emerging as potential presidential contenders, and Owino already looking beyond 2027, the movement faces a delicate balancing act.

Its leaders must now demonstrate whether Linda Mwananchi can remain a united opposition platform or become another battleground for competing presidential ambitions. For Owino, the message from Meru was unmistakable: support the movement fully, or get out of the way.

Landing in a new country only to start hunting for a SIM card, Wi-Fi or an affordable data bundle could soon be a thing of the past for Kenyan travellers.

Kwetu eSIM is bringing a more convenient way to stay connected abroad, allowing travellers to purchase and activate travel data before they even board their flight.

The platform offers eSIM connectivity across 190+ countries, meaning travellers can land at their destination and get online without visiting an airport SIM shop or swapping physical SIM cards.

The process is simple: travellers select their destination, purchase a data plan, scan a QR code or enter an activation code, and get connected.

And yes, you can pay with M-Pesa

For Kenyan users, one of the biggest selling points is the ability to pay through M-Pesa using a simple STK Push.

Kwetu eSIM also accepts card payments and other mobile money options, positioning the platform as a travel connectivity solution designed with African travellers in mind.

And if you run out of data while abroad? No panic.

Users can top up their eSIM directly through the app without having to reinstall or replace anything.

Travelling with friends or family is also covered. Kwetu allows users to purchase an eSIM as a gift and send it to another traveller before their trip.

The service works on both iPhone and Android and supports multiple languages, making it accessible to travellers from different markets.

As international travel continues to grow for holidays, business and education, travel eSIMs are increasingly becoming an alternative to expensive roaming charges and the hassle of buying local SIM cards.

For Kenyan travellers, the biggest attraction may simply be the convenience.

• No queue at the airport.

• No searching for Wi-Fi.

• No tiny SIM card to lose.

• No roaming shock.

Just land, switch on your data and go.

The Kwetu eSIM app is available on the Apple App Store and Google Play, while travel plans can also be purchased through kwetuesim.com.

A recruitment scandal has rocked the Social Health Authority (SHA) after it emerged that a candidate who was never shortlisted for a senior position was appointed, while others who sailed through the interviews were overlooked, exposing a flawed hiring process that critics say was manipulated to favour selected individuals.

At the heart of the controversy is a pattern of manipulation that began long before the interviews were conducted, with sources revealing that the shortlist for Administration Officer I was inflated from about 240 candidates to 441 after names were added from the Ministry of Health, some of whom had never even applied for the jobs.

"We were shocked when we saw the final shortlist," an insider familiar with the recruitment process told this publication.

"There were names on that list that we had never seen before. Some of those people had never even applied for the jobs."

The inflation of the shortlist was just the beginning, as sources claim the interviews conducted over four days in early August were nothing more than a formality, with the real decisions having been made long before any candidate walked into the interview room and the entire process designed to rubber-stamp pre-selected names.

"From those who scored 90% and above, almost none was appointed," another source said.

"The same applies to those who scored 80% and above. The appointments were not based on merit. They were based on connections."

The Social Health Authority, in its appointment document dated August 17, 2026, boasted of a "competitive and transparent recruitment process" that began on July 29, 2025, but the evidence on the ground tells a different story, with sources claiming that the list of candidates presented to management by the Human Resources department was different from the one that was forwarded to the board for approval.

"A decision had already been made on who would get the jobs. The HR department was given a list to follow," the insider said.

One of the most glaring cases is that of Hussein Abdi, whose name appears on the appointments list but is nowhere to be found on the official shortlist for Administration Officer I, having been listed among the 47 appointees announced by SHA on August 17, 2026, yet a thorough review of the shortlist document confirms that he was never among those called for interview.

"It is impossible to appoint someone who was never shortlisted," a source familiar with recruitment regulations said.

"The entire process is designed to ensure that only those who have been vetted through interviews are considered for appointment. When you bypass that step, you are not just breaking the rules. You are undermining the integrity of the entire institution."

The case of Hussein Abdi is not an isolated one, sources said, with several other candidates who were appointed either scoring below the advertised 70 per cent threshold or never even sitting for interviews, while those who performed well and scored 80 per cent and above were almost all locked out of the appointments.

"The whole process was a sham," the insider said.

"People who deserved the jobs were pushed aside because they did not have the right connections. The people who were appointed were not the best candidates. They were the best connected."

The Public Service Commission (PSC) guidelines on recruitment require that all appointments be based on merit, fairness, and transparency, but the SHA recruitment appears to have violated every one of those principles, with the Authority yet to respond to questions about why Hussein Abdi was appointed without being shortlisted, why the shortlist was inflated with names of candidates who never applied, and why candidates who scored below 70% were appointed ahead of those who performed well.

The revelations have also turned the spotlight on Health Cabinet Secretary (CS) Aden Duale, whose ministry oversees the Authority.

Sources say the manipulation of the recruitment process could not have happened without the knowledge or tacit approval of senior officials within the ministry, raising uncomfortable questions about whether the rot extends beyond SHA and into the corridors of the Ministry of Health.

Civil society groups and recruitment experts have called for the immediate suspension of the recruitment process and the constitution of an independent inquiry to investigate the manipulation of the shortlist, the appointment of Hussein Abdi without being shortlisted, and the broader pattern of disregard for merit across SHA.

Dr. Mercy Mwangangi and her team must answer for what has happened under their watch, but sources insist that this goes beyond SHA and that the Health Cabinet Secretary must also be held accountable, as he is the one who has the final say and cannot hide behind the Authority.

This is not the first time the SHA has been accused of flouting recruitment rules, as the agency has previously faced criticism over opaque hiring practices, but the latest revelations suggest a deeper rot within the institution where processes are routinely bypassed and merit is sacrificed for personal connections.

The revelations are likely to spark outrage among job seekers who applied for the positions and went through the rigorous interview process, only to lose out to candidates who never even made it to the interview room, leaving many to wonder how many more candidates were appointed without being shortlisted, how many qualified Kenyans were pushed aside because they did not have the right connections, and who authorised the manipulation of the recruitment process.

Until those questions are answered, the integrity of SHA's leadership remains in question.

Tanzania’s Vice President Dr Emmanuel John Nchimbi has announced his resignation from office and retirement from public service and active politics, effective September 4, 2026, in a move that gives President Samia Suluhu Hassan the opportunity to appoint a new deputy.

Nchimbi disclosed his decision in an official public notice dated August 25, 2026, issued by the Office of the Vice President in Dodoma. He said he had formally submitted his resignation to President Hassan and was stepping aside in accordance with the Tanzanian Constitution.

The departure marks the end of a long political career for Nchimbi, a senior Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM) figure who has served in Parliament, Cabinet, and several senior government positions before becoming vice president.

Nchimbi Says He Is Fulfilling His Promise to Samia ¶

Nchimbi based his resignation on Article 50(2)(c) read together with Article 149(2) of the Constitution of the United Republic of Tanzania, provisions that allow the Vice President to resign and pave the way for the President to appoint a successor.

In announcing his decision, Nchimbi said his departure was also connected to a commitment he made to President Hassan a year earlier.

He recalled that on August 27, 2025, he promised to support the President and the country faithfully and to leave office whenever Hassan determined that a change in the Vice Presidency was necessary.

Nchimbi said he was satisfied that the President now wanted a different Vice President and had therefore decided to honour the commitment he made.

His statement effectively places the decision within the President's political authority while presenting his departure as a voluntary fulfilment of a pledge rather than a public dispute with the administration.

Samia Now Has to Choose a New Vice President ¶

Nchimbi's resignation creates an opening for President Hassan to select a new holder of one of the country's most senior political offices.

The constitutional provisions cited by Nchimbi provide the legal framework for the transition, meaning the President can now proceed with the appointment of his successor.

The change comes at a significant point in Tanzania's political calendar and places renewed attention on the President's choice of a deputy who can support her administration and help advance the government's political agenda.

Nchimbi has not indicated that he intends to remain active within government after September 4, instead stating that he will retire completely from public service and active politics.

Nchimbi Ends a Long CCM Political Career ¶

Nchimbi's political career stretches back decades and has been closely linked to CCM, Tanzania's long-standing ruling party.

Born on December 24, 1971, in Mbeya Region, Nchimbi grew up in a family with a strong public-service background. His father, John Nchimbi, served as an Assistant Commissioner of Police and Regional Police Commander in Mtwara before becoming involved in CCM politics.

Nchimbi entered national political structures early in his career and was elected to the CCM National Executive Committee before becoming chairman of the party's youth wing, Umoja wa Vijana wa Chama cha Mapinduzi (UVCCM), in 1998.

His rise through the party helped establish the political network that would later propel him into Parliament and senior government positions.

From Public Service to Parliament ¶

Before becoming a full-time politician, Nchimbi worked at the National Environment Management Council (NEMC) between 1998 and 2003.

During the same period, he pursued higher education, earning a Master of Business Administration specialising in Banking and Finance from Mzumbe University.

He later served as District Commissioner for Bunda between 2003 and 2005 before completing a doctorate at Mzumbe University between 2008 and 2011.

His parliamentary career began in the 2005 General Election, when he won the Songea Town parliamentary seat on a CCM ticket.

Nchimbi secured 67.6 per cent of the vote against CHADEMA candidate Edson Mbogoro, who received 30.5 per cent.

His victory opened the door to a rapid rise through government, with President Jakaya Kikwete appointing him Deputy Minister for Information, Culture, and Sports in January 2006.

Nchimbi Rose Through Kikwete’s Government ¶

Nchimbi held several deputy ministerial positions during Kikwete's presidency. After serving in Information, Culture and Sports, he was moved to the Ministry of Labour, Employment, and Youth Development before later becoming Deputy Minister for Defence and National Service.

He successfully defended his Songea Town parliamentary seat in the 2010 General Election, defeating Mbogoro again with 59.9 per cent of the vote against his opponent's 37.48 percent.

His growing influence within CCM eventually earned him full cabinet positions. He served as Minister for Information, Culture and Sports before being appointed Minister for Home Affairs, a powerful position he held until December 2013.

His time in government established him as one of the more experienced political figures within Tanzania's ruling establishment.

Veteran Statesman Now Leaves Active Politics ¶

Nchimbi's resignation therefore represents more than a change in the Vice Presidency.

It marks the withdrawal of a veteran CCM politician who has spent much of his adult life in public service, moving from party youth leadership and local administration into Parliament, Cabinet and eventually the country's second-highest political office.

His decision to retire from active politics also means that he will no longer seek another government or party position after leaving the Vice Presidency.

Nchimbi thanked President Hassan and CCM for the confidence they placed in him throughout his political career and expressed gratitude to Tanzanians for supporting him during his years in public service.

He also sought to reassure the public that although he was leaving active politics, he would continue serving the country as a patriotic citizen.

South Sudan Vice President Rebecca Nyandeng de Mabior has denied reports that security officers physically blocked her from travelling to Kenya, but her own office has confirmed that she could not make the trip because the required presidential authorisation was not granted in time.

The clarification has shifted the controversy from claims of an airport confrontation to a more politically significant question over why a senior member of President Salva Kiir’s government was unable to leave the country for an official engagement after her office had submitted a travel request nearly two weeks earlier.

Nyandeng was scheduled to travel to Kenya for official engagements, including a public lecture at Murang'a University of Technology on August 25, ahead of the institution's tenth graduation ceremony scheduled for August 28.

According to David Aleu Deng, acting executive director for Gender and Youth Affairs, Nyandeng's office submitted the required travel request to the Office of the President on August 13, but the necessary authorization was not granted early enough for her to leave on the scheduled date.

Kiir Government Clearance Kept Nyandeng in South Sudan ¶

Deng sought to dismiss social media reports claiming that Nyandeng had arrived at Juba International Airport only to be stopped by security personnel.

He explained that the vice president did not even proceed to the airport because the presidential clearance required for her international travel had not been obtained in time.

“As a senior government official, the Vice President cannot travel internationally without the necessary authorization and clearance from the Presidency,” Deng stated.

The explanation is important because it establishes that the decision-making authority ultimately rested with the presidency, meaning Nyandeng's inability to travel was directly linked to the failure to secure approval from President Kiir's office.

While there may not have been a dramatic airport confrontation, the practical outcome was the same: the vice president remained in South Sudan and missed an official engagement in Kenya because the government had not authorized her departure in time.

Why Was Her Travel Approval Delayed? ¶

The circumstances surrounding the delayed clearance have become particularly sensitive because Nyandeng's planned trip was an official engagement rather than a private journey.

Her office reportedly submitted the request on August 13, giving the presidency several days to process the authorization before her scheduled departure.

Yet the approval was apparently still unavailable when she was expected to travel.

Neither the explanation from her office nor the available information provides a detailed reason for the delay, leaving unanswered questions about whether the failure to approve the trip was administrative, political, or connected to wider disagreements within the government.

That uncertainty is likely to fuel speculation, especially because the vice president had recently made unusually critical remarks about the state of leadership and accountability under Kiir.

Nyandeng Had Just Questioned Who Advises Kiir ¶

The missed Kenya trip comes only days after Nyandeng publicly questioned the level of accountability surrounding President Kiir.

Speaking during the funeral of a veteran politician in Juba, she asked who was currently watching over the president, responding that nobody was doing so.

Her remarks appeared to contrast the current administration with the leadership structure associated with her late husband, Dr. John Garang, during the liberation struggle.

Nyandeng suggested that senior leaders previously played an important role in providing advice and checks within the leadership structure, raising questions about whether similar mechanisms remain effective under Kiir.

The remarks were politically sensitive because they came from someone serving within Kiir's own government and suggested dissatisfaction with the manner in which power and accountability are currently exercised.

President's Camp Pushes Back ¶

Kiir's side responded by defending his contribution to South Sudan's liberation struggle and rejecting attempts to portray the country's history as the achievement of one individual.

The President's camp also challenged those with political grievances to take their complaints to the electorate rather than using the struggles of liberation veterans as a political tool.

The response has further exposed the political tension surrounding the country's leadership as South Sudan approaches the December 2026 elections.

Against that background, the failure to approve Nyandeng's international travel is likely to attract greater scrutiny than it would have under ordinary circumstances.

A Senior Official Left Without Clearance ¶

The most politically revealing aspect of the episode is that Nyandeng's office says it followed the required procedure by submitting a travel request, yet presidential clearance did not arrive in time.

That means the issue was not simply whether the vice president wanted to travel or whether security officers had physically blocked her.

The decisive factor was whether the presidency authorized her to leave the country. By withholding or failing to provide that authorization before the scheduled departure, the Kiir administration effectively prevented the vice president from attending her planned engagements in Kenya.

That distinction matters because it points directly to the concentration of executive authority over senior officials' international movements.

Kenya Engagement Cancelled Amid Political Tensions ¶

Nyandeng's absence from the Murang'a University event therefore comes at a particularly sensitive moment for South Sudan's leadership.

Her office has strongly rejected the claim that she was dragged from an airport or physically prevented from boarding a plane, but it has simultaneously confirmed that she could not travel because the presidency had not granted the required clearance.

The two accounts are not necessarily contradictory.

She may not have been physically stopped at an airport, but the failure to authorize her departure meant she could not undertake the journey.

The development therefore raises a broader political question about the relationship between Nyandeng and the Kiir administration, particularly after her public criticism of the government's accountability structures.

With elections approaching and political tensions increasingly visible, the episode could become another point of friction within South Sudan's ruling establishment.

Nyandeng was not stopped at the airport, but Kiir's government effectively kept her in South Sudan by withholding the presidential clearance needed for her official Kenya trip.

Del Monte Kenya is facing the compulsory acquisition of 21.7 hectares of its Murang’a land as the government moves to secure space for a wastewater treatment plant, opening a fresh chapter in the increasingly scrutinised relationship between the State and one of Kenya’s largest agricultural companies.

The National Land Commission (NLC) has identified the affected property as L.R. No. 12158/3, registered to Del Monte Kenya Limited.

According to a notice dated August 21, 2026, the land is required by the Kenya Athi Water Works Development Agency for construction of a wastewater treatment plant.

The proposed acquisition will now come under public scrutiny, with the NLC scheduling a public inquiry for September 16, 2026, at Methi Chief’s Camp in Murang’a County.

For Del Monte, the process could mean surrendering a substantial parcel of its land to the State.

For the government, the acquisition is being presented as a public-interest project.

But the financial and legal questions surrounding compensation could determine whether the process moves smoothly or becomes another prolonged land dispute.

Government Moves Against Del Monte Land ¶

The NLC's intervention gives the State the legal mechanism to acquire the 21.7 hectares even though the property is privately owned.

Kenya's Constitution permits compulsory acquisition where privately held land is required for a public purpose or in the public interest.

However, the power comes with an important condition.

The owner must receive prompt and just compensation.

That means the government cannot simply take possession and leave the landowner to absorb the financial loss.

The NLC must follow the procedures provided under the Land Act, including issuing notices, identifying the affected property and conducting an inquiry before completing the acquisition.

The September hearing will therefore be a critical stage in determining how much Del Monte and any other legitimate claimants may be entitled to receive.

Ksh Billions Could Be at Stake in Compensation ¶

The size of the affected parcel makes valuation a potentially significant issue.

The compensation process may take into account the value of the land as well as qualifying developments and improvements located on the property.

Depending on the circumstances, this could include structures, crops, trees and other investments affected by the acquisition.

The NLC has invited people seeking compensation to submit claims accompanied by identification documents, KRA PIN details, land ownership records and bank information.

That requirement places the burden on claimants to establish their interests before compensation can be processed.

For Del Monte, the crucial question will be whether the valuation adequately reflects the commercial value of the land and any investments affected by the project.

The company and other interested parties also retain the right to challenge the acquisition or dispute compensation through the available legal channels.

Why the Del Monte Acquisition Matters ¶

The proposed takeover comes at a sensitive time for Del Monte's operations in Murang’a.

The company has faced increasing legal and regulatory scrutiny, including disputes that have generated significant financial exposure.

In July 2026, the Environment and Land Court in Murang’a dismissed Del Monte's attempt to stop proceedings involving a Ksh975 million legal costs bill arising from earlier litigation.

The company has also been involved in a separate Ksh1.76 billion tax dispute concerning transfer-pricing issues.

Those matters, however, should not be confused with the latest land acquisition.

The NLC notice does not describe the 21.7-hectare acquisition as a penalty or enforcement measure against Del Monte.

Instead, the government has identified the construction of a wastewater treatment plant as the public purpose behind the acquisition.

That distinction could become important as the process unfolds.

Public Inquiry Will Put Government Under Scrutiny ¶

The September 16 inquiry will provide Del Monte and other interested parties with an opportunity to present their positions.

The NLC will have to consider claims relating to ownership, valuation, compensation and other concerns before the acquisition progresses.

For the government, the inquiry will also test whether the project has been sufficiently justified and whether the compensation process is transparent.

Compulsory acquisition is one of the State's most powerful tools over private property.

Used properly, it allows governments to secure land for infrastructure projects that serve broad public interests.

Used carelessly, it can trigger expensive litigation, delays and accusations of unfair treatment.

That makes transparency critical.

Wastewater Project Puts Public Interest at Centre ¶

The government says the land is required for a wastewater treatment plant, placing the acquisition within a broader infrastructure and environmental context.

Wastewater treatment facilities can play an important role in protecting water resources, improving sanitation and supporting growing populations and industries.

But the public-interest argument does not eliminate the rights of the landowner.

The State must still demonstrate that the acquisition follows the law and that affected owners receive fair compensation.

For Del Monte, the issue is therefore not simply about losing 21.7 hectares.

It is about determining the financial value of the property, the impact on its operations and whether the acquisition process adequately protects its legal interests.

Del Monte Faces Another High-Stakes Test ¶

The NLC's move adds another layer to the regulatory and legal challenges surrounding Del Monte's operations in Kenya.

While the government has framed the acquisition around a wastewater treatment project, the company will now have to defend its property interests through a formal process that could ultimately determine the future of the affected land.

The September inquiry is likely to attract close attention because the dispute brings together three powerful interests—private property rights, public infrastructure and government authority.

The outcome could also establish an important precedent for how major private landowners are treated when the State requires land for public infrastructure.

For now, the government has the legal machinery to pursue the acquisition.

Del Monte has the right to contest the process and compensation.

The real battle may not be over whether the State can acquire the land, but over how much it must pay, whether the process is transparent and whether public interest is being pursued without trampling private property rights.

Three youths shot during a political meeting in Mombasa have once again thrust the conduct of politicians’ security details into the national spotlight.

The latest incident involving Mombasa Governor Abdulswamad Nassir’s bodyguards comes barely weeks after a police officer attached to Youth Affairs Principal Secretary Fikirini Jacobs was accused of fatally shooting a young man in Nairobi.

Two incidents involving armed security personnel, two civilian casualties, and one uncomfortable question now demanding answers: Are some political bodyguards still professional officers protecting public officials, or are they becoming heavily armed enforcers operating above the public they are supposed to protect?

Mombasa Shooting Raises Alarm Over Conduct of Politicians’ Armed Security Teams ¶

Three people were shot and scores injured during a youth sensitisation meeting addressed by Governor Abdulswamad Nassir at Bomu Stadium in Changamwe on Friday, August 21.

Police said the confrontation began after youths attending the meeting started chanting a “one-term” slogan directed at the governor.

Mombasa County Police Commander Stella Cherono said an unidentified group moved towards the governor as he addressed members of the Stawisha Fund team, triggering a confrontation with his security detail.

Three people were subsequently shot. The injured were initially taken to Mikindani Clinic before being transferred to Coast General Teaching and Referral Hospital.

Witness Said Kimbo gave a more disturbing account of how the shooting unfolded. He said youths attempting to move closer to the governor were pushed back by his bodyguards before one of the guards drew his firearm.

According to Kimbo, he pulled a colleague away as the confrontation escalated, but the officer fired and struck his colleague in the leg.

The witness alleged the bullet could have struck the victim in the chest had he not pulled him down.

Police have promised to identify those responsible. Cherono acknowledged that most of the governor's security personnel are police officers and said they would be traced and subjected to the law.

That statement raises the central issue surrounding the incident.

If the men carrying the guns are professional police officers, what standards govern the moment they decide to pull the trigger?

Political Meetings Are Becoming Flashpoints ¶

The Mombasa shooting did not happen in isolation. Kenya has recently witnessed increasingly tense political gatherings where heckling, rival slogans, crowd confrontations, and aggressive security responses have become recurring features.

Days earlier, political violence during a Linda Mwananchi rally in Homa Bay left at least four people dead, including a police officer, and dozens injured.

The growing hostility around political mobilization creates an obvious security challenge. But it also places enormous responsibility on armed officers assigned to protect politicians.

Their role should be to prevent violence, secure the principal, and protect lives. The danger emerges when crowd control turns into confrontation and the security detail becomes an active participant in the escalation.

The Fikirini Jacobs Bodyguard Case Offers a Troubling Parallel ¶

The Mombasa shooting comes against the backdrop of another case that has already raised serious questions about the use of firearms by political security personnel.

On June 30, a young man identified as Cecil Otieno Anyango was fatally shot during an incident involving the security team attached to Youth Affairs, Creative Economy and Sports Principal Secretary Fikirini Jacobs.

The officer accused in that case is PC Rashid Charo.

According to the police account presented in court, Jacobs had attended a function at Social Hall in Kariokor before leaving in an official Land Cruiser accompanied by his security detail.

A group of youths reportedly approached the convoy and demanded handouts. One of them, Anyango, was alleged to have boarded the PS's official vehicle.

The vehicle then sped towards Pangani Police Station as members of the public pursued it on foot and on motorcycles.

The situation escalated after the vehicle was reportedly pelted with stones. Charo allegedly discharged his firearm, fatally wounding Anyango.

The young man was rushed to Park Road Nursing Home, where he was pronounced dead while receiving treatment.

The matter was subsequently taken over by detectives from the Directorate of Criminal Investigations. Charo was arrested and arraigned before the Makadara Law Courts.

Bodyguard Released on KSh20,000 Bond ¶

On July 8, Charo was released on a personal bond of KSh20,000 after investigators told the court they required additional time to complete their inquiries.

The court directed that the matter be mentioned on August 10 for further directions. His legal team also successfully applied for the return of his personal effects, including his service firearm.

Investigators had earlier sought seven days to complete several critical procedures, including:

• Post-mortem examination
• Ballistic and forensic analysis
• Recording witness statements
• Scene reconstruction
• Examination of recovered exhibits
• Preparation of the investigation file for the Office of the Director of Public Prosecutions

The case therefore remains unresolved, and Charo has not been convicted of any offense. But the incident has already become an important reference point in the wider debate about armed political security details.

Professional Police Officers or Political Enforcers? ¶

The disturbing question facing authorities is not whether politicians deserve protection. They clearly do.

The question is how that protection is delivered. Police officers assigned to VIP protection are trained professionals. They carry firearms because their duties can involve genuine threats to life.

But that authority comes with an equally serious responsibility.

A firearm should be the final response to an imminent threat to life, not a tool for intimidating crowds, settling confrontations, or creating space around a politician.

When a security officer fires a weapon in a crowd, the consequences can be irreversible.

One bullet can transform a political disagreement into a death investigation.

One moment of poor judgement can destroy a family and expose the state to enormous legal and public accountability.

Who Holds Political Bodyguards Accountable? ¶

The Mombasa incident now demands more than promises that police will “trace” those involved.

Authorities should establish exactly who fired the shots, under what circumstances, whether the firearms were lawfully deployed, whether officers followed their training, and whether the use of force was proportionate to the threat.

The same scrutiny should apply to every politician's security detail.

There should be no special category of armed personnel who become untouchable simply because they work for governors, Cabinet officials, MPs, or other powerful individuals.

The badge cannot become a shield from accountability. Neither should proximity to political power.

A luxury safari flight in northern Kenya ended in catastrophe on August 19 when a helicopter carrying seven people crashed near Mount Ololokwe, killing every person on board.

What initially appeared to be another fatal aviation accident quickly assumed an international dimension as investigators identified an Ecuadorian intelligence chief, his wife, and four American citizens among the victims.

The passengers included senior business executives, entrepreneurs, and aviation professionals who had travelled to Kenya for what was understood to be a private safari.

Their deaths have now triggered diplomatic responses from Ecuador, Italy, and the United States as Kenyan authorities begin a detailed investigation into the crash.

The Samburu Crash Exposes a Tragic Web of International Connections ¶

The helicopter was operating a charter flight when it went down at approximately 9:13am in the foothills of Mount Ololokwe in Samburu County.

The aircraft, identified as a Eurocopter EC130 B4 with registration 5Y-GYM, was operated by Lady Lori Helicopters and was reportedly flying a charter arranged for luxury safari company &Beyond.

The flight had originated from the Suyian or Soyian area of Laikipia and was heading towards the Loisaba Conservancy area near Mount Ololokwe when the aircraft crashed in rugged terrain approximately 170 miles north of Nairobi.

All seven people on board died.

The difficult landscape complicated rescue and recovery operations, while a fire that engulfed the wreckage added another layer of difficulty for emergency teams reaching the crash site.

Kenya Red Cross personnel and local authorities responded to the scene as police confirmed that there were no survivors.

At first, the incident appeared to be a devastating but relatively straightforward aviation accident. That changed as the identities of the passengers emerged.

Ecuador’s Intelligence Chief Was Among the Victims ¶

The most prominent passenger was Michele Sensi Contugi, 44, the Director General of Ecuador’s National Intelligence Center.

Sensi Contugi was a dual Italian Ecuadorian national who reportedly came from a prominent Tuscan family and had previously worked as a businessman before entering Ecuador’s government.

His appointment to the intelligence service placed him at the centre of Ecuador’s national security establishment at a time when the country was confronting serious security challenges.

He was also regarded as a close ally of Ecuadorian President Daniel Noboa, making his sudden death particularly significant for the government in Quito.

Sensi Contugi was reportedly travelling in Kenya with his wife, Stephany Hollihan Vásconez, 42, who also died in the crash.

Hollihan was a fashion designer and founder of the Sensi Studio label in Guayaquil, giving the tragedy a deeply personal dimension beyond the political significance attached to her husband’s position.

Ecuador’s Transport Minister Roberto Luque publicly confirmed the deaths and mourned the couple, extending condolences to their children and parents.

The death of a sitting intelligence chief in a foreign country is an unusual circumstance that will inevitably attract international attention, although there is currently no public evidence indicating anything other than an aviation accident.

Four American Friends Were Also Killed ¶

The crash also claimed the lives of four American citizens who were reportedly travelling together from South Florida.

They were identified as José Alberto Suárez, Roger E. Duarte, Adam Hlavaty and Henry Parra.

Suárez, 55, was reportedly president and general manager of several Telemundo owned television stations in Florida and an NBCUniversal executive. He was also a former student of Coral Gables High School.

His death prompted a statement from NBCUniversal describing him as a respected leader whose energy, warmth and sense of purpose had made a lasting impression on colleagues.

Duarte, who was reported to be in his late 30s or early 40s, was a Miami restaurateur and founder of George Stone Crab, a business specialising in stone crab delivery.

Hlavaty, 42, was vice president of development at Benihana and served on the board of the Coral Gables Art Museum.

Parra, 55, was an aviation software executive, a US Navy veteran and co founder of Trax USA. He was also reportedly Hlavaty’s husband.

The four men were described by a family spokesperson as close friends who had travelled together to Kenya.

The United States State Department confirmed that American citizens were among those killed and said the US Embassy in Nairobi was coordinating with Kenyan authorities while providing consular assistance to the victims’ families.

The International Response Has Begun ¶

The deaths have prompted a coordinated diplomatic response involving several governments.

The US Embassy is assisting the families of the American victims, while Ecuador has publicly acknowledged the loss of its intelligence chief and his wife.

Italy has also become involved because of Sensi Contugi’s dual Italian citizenship, with the Italian Embassy in Kenya offering assistance following the crash.

The international involvement means the investigation will be watched closely beyond Kenya, particularly because one of the victims held a senior position within Ecuador’s national security structure. However, the presence of a senior intelligence official on the aircraft should not itself be interpreted as evidence of foul play.

The available information indicates that the passengers were on a private safari trip, and authorities have not publicly suggested that the crash resulted from deliberate action.

Investigators Face Critical Questions Over the Final Moments of the Flight ¶

Kenya’s Air Accident Investigation Department under the Ministry of Roads and Transport has taken responsibility for determining what caused the aircraft to crash.

Lady Lori Helicopters has confirmed that the aircraft was conducting a legitimate charter operation and has said it will cooperate fully with investigators.

The investigation will need to reconstruct the flight from departure to impact, examining the aircraft’s mechanical condition, maintenance history, weather conditions, pilot decisions, communications, and the terrain surrounding Mount Ololokwe.

Cause of Crash Remains Unknown ¶

No official explanation has yet been provided for why the helicopter went down. Investigators will therefore need to establish whether mechanical failure, adverse weather, pilot error, visibility, terrain, or another factor contributed to the accident.

The Eurocopter EC130 B4 is widely used in safari and conservation operations, including flights over remote and challenging terrain.

That makes understanding the circumstances of this particular crash especially important for Kenya’s aviation and tourism industries, where helicopter operators regularly transport visitors across isolated conservancies and mountainous landscapes.

The difficult terrain around Mount Ololokwe may have complicated the flight, but investigators will have to establish whether environmental conditions played any role rather than relying on assumptions.

The Passenger List Adds Unusual International Attention ¶

The combination of victims has made the crash unusually prominent. Among those killed was an Ecuadorian intelligence chief with international connections, alongside his wife and four American business executives and entrepreneurs who were reportedly travelling as friends.

The circumstances of how the group came together for the safari are likely to receive attention as investigators and authorities establish the full background to the trip.

There is currently no evidence in the public record suggesting that the passengers were involved in anything other than tourism.

That distinction is important because the prominence of Sensi Contugi’s position could generate speculation that is not supported by the available facts.

The investigation must ultimately rely on technical evidence from the aircraft, flight records, communications, witness accounts and the crash site.

Three Governments Now Have a Stake in Finding the Truth ¶

The Samburu crash has evolved from a local aviation tragedy into an international investigation involving Kenya, Ecuador, Italy and the United States.

For Ecuador, the death of Sensi Contugi represents the loss of a senior national security official at a critical period for the country.

For the United States, four families are dealing with the loss of friends and relatives who had travelled thousands of kilometres from Florida for a holiday in Kenya.

For Italy, the death of a dual national has brought its diplomatic mission into the response.

For Kenya, the accident raises important questions about the safety of charter helicopter operations serving the country’s lucrative luxury tourism industry.

The investigation now faces the difficult task of reconstructing the final minutes of flight 5Y-GYM and determining precisely why the aircraft came down near Mount Ololokwe.

A public address vehicle belonging to Trans Nzoia Governor George Natembeya was among the vehicles that were set ablaze during the violent chaos that erupted in Homa Bay on Sunday, as goons unleashed a wave of destruction that left torched cars, a vandalized hospital, a desecrated church, and scores injured in one of the most brutal episodes of political violence witnessed in recent memory.

The attack on Natembeya's vehicle was part of a coordinated assault on the Linda Mwananchi convoy that left at least two people dead, including a police officer who was struck by a rock while driving on the Homa Bay-Kendu Bay road, and saw multiple vehicles set on fire at different points along the Homa Bay-Rongo road.

Witnesses reported that the goons first targeted the public address vehicle belonging to Natembeya's convoy, deflating its tyres with gunshots before looting the sound system and setting the vehicle on fire, and they then turned their attention to Natembeya's official car, knifing the front left tyre to deflate it and forcing the governor to drive on the rim for some distance as he sought safety.

Natembeya was forced to take refuge in a private home after abandoning his damaged vehicle, but the goons stormed the property within a short period, forcing him to escape through a fence as his official car was extensively damaged and personal items stolen from the vehicle.

What made the attack on Natembeya particularly alarming was the precision with which the goons operated, because they did not simply attack random vehicles in the convoy but specifically targeted the governor's public address vehicle and his official car, deflating tyres with gunshots, looting equipment and ultimately setting the vehicles on fire in a manner that suggested a coordinated operation rather than spontaneous mob violence.

This pattern of targeted violence against experienced opposition leaders is not isolated to Homa Bay, because just days earlier, former Deputy President Rigathi Gachagua's convoy was attacked in Salgaa, Nakuru County, for the second consecutive day, as tensions surrounding his Democracy for Citizens Party intensified.

The incident occurred on Saturday, August 15, 2026, as Gachagua's convoy travelled towards Rongai from Molo, and the tour of Nakuru was almost disrupted after a group of youths blocked the Salgaa-Rongai highway, reportedly seeking to prevent him from proceeding with his political engagements in the area, with the former deputy president's convoy also being stoned as he attempted to enter Rongai.

The attack on Gachagua came shortly after the DCP leader criticized President William Ruto over his continued remarks about retired President Uhuru Kenyatta and claims that the retired president is backing the opposition.

Speaking during his tour of Njoro, Elburgon, Molo and Rongai, Gachagua called on residents to remain united and cautioned against attempts to divide communities ahead of the 2027 General Election.

Sources suggest that the government is deliberately targeting Gachagua and Natembeya because of their experience their ability to mobilize resistance against the Ruto administration, as both leaders have been vocal critics of the President's broad-based government and have played key roles in the growing opposition movement.

Gachagua, a former Deputy President, and Natembeya, a former Regional Commissioner who served at the highest levels of the civil service, are among the few opposition leaders who understand the inner workings of government and have the political networks and grassroots support to pose a serious challenge to the administration.

The violence in Homa Bay did not stop at the road, because when people fleeing the confrontation sought refuge at the Seventh Day Adventist Church (SDA) Lake Victoria Field headquarters along the Homa Bay-Rongo road, the goons turned their anger on the church, hurling stones at the building, damaging windows and vehicles, and using reading material from the church to start the fire that destroyed a vehicle at the gate.

Later that night, the attackers targeted the Homa Bay County Teaching and Referral Hospital, where 46 people were being treated for injuries sustained during the chaos, and the goons were reportedly looking for those who had been injured and were receiving treatment at the facility, with four people suffering gunshot wounds to their lower limbs and one woman dying after being hit by a speeding vehicle.

The hospital's management was forced to seek help from police as seven patients were in critical condition, with one referred to Jaramogi Oginga Odinga Teaching and Referral Hospital in Kisumu, and the hospital CEO Vincent Oduor confirmed that most of those injured had cut wounds caused by machetes and knives.

The attacks on both Gachagua and Natembeya appear to be part of a coordinated strategy to intimidate and neutralize experienced politicians who could rally the opposition ahead of the 2027 elections, and the failure to protect these leaders or investigate the attacks has only deepened suspicion that state security agencies may have been complicit in the violence.

The violence in Homa Bay and Salgaa has raised serious questions about the government's commitment to protecting opposition leaders and their supporters, and the fact that a church and a hospital were attacked has exposed just how volatile the 2027 political season could become.

Reports have emerged from Uganda that a journalist has been detained by security agencies in Kampala after publishing a story about Minister for the Presidency Milly Babalanda, a story that had already circulated across multiple East African blogs long before he posted it on his own platform.

The journalist in question is Remmy Asiteza, the owner of dailyexpress.co.ug, who was picked up by Ugandan police and is currently being held in detention without being taken to court, a violation of basic due process that has drawn sharp criticism from press freedom advocates and journalists across the region.

His arrest came after he published a story on his blog concerning the A-RDC recruitment scandal, a matter that has already been widely reported by other outlets and has prompted President Yoweri Museveni to order a formal investigation.

Asiteza is reportedly languishing in deplorable conditions and is facing intense pressure to reveal his sources, a tactic that Uganda's security apparatus has perfected over decades of suppressing dissent.

His continued detention without charge is a flagrant violation of any semblance of constitutional protection, though such violations have long been the norm in a country where the courts are subservient to the executive and the security forces operate with impunity.

The A-RDC Recruitment Scandal: The Story That Led to Asiteza's Arrest ¶

The A-RDC scandal, which lies at the heart of Asiteza's arrest and detention, involves the recruitment of Assistant Resident District Commissioners (A-RDCs) and Assistant Resident City Commissioners (A-RCCs), a process that has been marred by allegations of financial irregularities and the possible embezzlement of public funds.

According to officials familiar with the matter, a whistle-blower submitted a detailed dossier to President Museveni, contending that approximately UGX 15 billion was lost during the recruitment process, while further questions have been directed toward remuneration funds that went unexplained over a two-year period.

President Museveni has, in a move that signals the seriousness with which he regards the matter, directed the Director-General of the Internal Security Organisation (ISO) to carry out a thorough and comprehensive investigation, with a report expected to be submitted within two weeks.

The inquiry is anticipated to examine the timeline surrounding the recruitment process, the manner in which appropriated funds were utilised, the authenticity of the procurement claims advanced by the internal audit, and the possibility that ghost officers may have been added to the payroll, a recurring difficulty that has long troubled Uganda's public service.

The recruitment of A-RDCs was first approved during the 2022/2023 financial year, at which point funds were appropriated for salaries and operational support, yet the officers in question were not deployed until April 2024, a delay of almost two years beyond the initial clearance of the positions.

Throughout this extended interval, the money that had been set aside was neither returned to the Consolidated Fund nor disbursed to the recruits who would eventually take up their posts, and even once the new officers assumed office in April 2024, they reportedly did not begin receiving their salaries until July 2024, coinciding with the start of the 2024/2025 financial year.

Each Assistant RDC earns a monthly salary of UGX 817,217, which amounts to UGX 9.8 million on an annual basis, together with a monthly allowance of UGX 1.5 million that totals UGX 18 million per year.

Given that 432 officers have been deployed across the country, insiders now estimate that more than UGX 24 billion intended for salaries and allowances over the two-year period remains unexplained and unresolved.

An internal audit report produced by the Office of the President contends that the funds in question were used to procure office equipment for the newly appointed officers, though multiple sources dispute this claim outright, pointing out that a considerable number of RDC offices remain poorly furnished to this day.

Several Assistant RDCs reportedly find themselves sharing office space with secretaries and other support staff, whereas others operate entirely without designated workstations of their own.

The whistle-blower's dossier contends that the procurement narrative put forward by the audit is fundamentally inconsistent with the conditions actually observed in the field, a discrepancy that has fueled suspicions of mismanagement and possible embezzlement.

The recruitment of A-RDCs had, well before these latest revelations surfaced, already encountered resistance from Parliament, whose legislators argued that expanding the RDC structure would impose an unnecessary financial burden upon taxpayers, particularly at a moment when the government was already contending with rising public expenditure across the board.

The Parliamentary Budget Committee had warned, in no uncertain terms, that the addition of these officers would increase the wage bill by more than UGX 10 billion annually, and it urged the Executive to reconsider the move before proceeding further, though the deployment ultimately went ahead once the President defended the decision as a necessary step toward strengthening supervision of government programmes nationwide.

Minister Milly Babalanda's Pattern of Scandals ¶

Minister Babalanda, who is the first minister in Uganda's history to serve more than one term in charge of the presidency, has been at the centre of multiple scandals during her tenure.

She has also been linked to a separate UGX 7 billion scandal at the Uganda Printing and Publishing Corporation (UPPC), which has drawn the attention of Parliament's Committee on Commissions, Statutory Authorities and State Enterprises (COSASE).

The dossier submitted to the President reportedly extends well beyond the A-RDC matter alone, drawing attention to alleged mismanagement within several agencies operating under the Office of the President, such as the Uganda AIDS Commission, the Uganda Printing and Publishing Corporation (UPPC), and the National Leadership Institute (NALI), all of which have, on previous occasions, been cited in Auditor General reports for procurement inconsistencies and gaps in answerability.

The UGX 7 Billion UPPC Scandal ¶

According to reports that first appeared on NilePost and were subsequently published by Daily Express, Minister Babalanda is accused of siphoning UGX 7 billion from a Kenya Commercial Bank account that had been set aside to purchase printing machines for the Uganda Printing and Publishing Corporation (UPPC).

An internal source told the publication that UPPC had been saving the money to purchase the said machines, however, the Minister expelled the Board in 2021 and took over management and procurement roles.

While performing these two roles illegally, the source maintains that the Minister depleted the UPPC coffers, with one source claiming that she personally signed out the money and that the account is now empty.

Documents further revealed that UPPC had banked substantial sums in the months leading up to the scandal, including UGX 529 million on 2nd July 2021, UGX 600 million and UGX 521 million in March of that year, UGX 3 billion in May, and UGX 4.5 billion the month before.

In August 2021, Minister Babalanda abruptly issued a directive temporarily suspending the activities of the board of governors at the government printers, a move that came just as CID operatives had swung into action and arrested Prof David Wasswa on allegations of fraud and financial mismanagement.

The Board members accused the Minister of sinister plans, claiming that sacking them without any right to hear is not only fishy but selfish, and they alleged that the minister was already biased.

The Attorney General advised the Minister that she should not violate the rules of Natural Justice that dictate that affected members of the board be granted a right to a fair hearing, however, Minister Babalanda did not heed the advice, insisting on firing the board members and replacing them with James Tweheyo just six days later.

A report from the Auditor General found the Minister culpable for usurping the roles of the board, adding that in the period the board was absent, there was no one to check the actions of management.

The Auditor General also notes that the Minister acted in an oversight role during the period the Board was absent, and sources confirm that during this period, the Minister made massive recruitment into UPPC, hence swelling the salary burdens on the payroll, which in turn cost UPPC financial loss.

As a result of these actions, Babalanda was summoned by Parliament's COSASE committee to explain the circumstances under which she signed finance documents as well as the appointment letter of the acting managing director of UPPC.

A Pattern of Impunity and Intimidation ¶

Despite the gravity of these allegations, the minister has not denied the reports that have been circulating across multiple platforms, but has instead chosen to target a journalist who republished a story that was already in the public domain.

Asiteza's continued detention without charge is a flagrant violation of Uganda's constitutional protections and international standards on press freedom, and his case has drawn sharp criticism from press freedom advocates, journalists, and civil society organisations across the region.

The targeting of Asiteza, who simply republished a story that was already widely available, has raised serious questions about the government's commitment to transparency and its willingness to use state power to intimidate journalists who report on corruption involving high-ranking officials.

Minister Babalanda, who has previously advocated for anti-corruption campaigns and clean governance, now finds herself at the centre of multiple scandals and accused of using her position to silence journalists who report on her alleged misconduct.

Corruption in Uganda ¶

The Inspectorate of Government (IGG) has, on previous occasions, estimated that the country loses somewhere between UGX 9 trillion and UGX 20 trillion annually to corruption, procurement fraud, and financial mismanagement, a figure that, remarkably, represents nearly 40% of the national budget in certain sectors.

The revelations that have now come to light appear to lend considerable weight to the concerns that Parliament had voiced at an earlier stage regarding the financial implications tied to expanding the RDC structure, given that legislators had, at the time, warned that the recruitment process could create openings for the misuse of public funds and place additional strain upon the national budget.

Further disclosures are widely anticipated as investigators proceed to review payroll records together with deployment lists, and early indications suggest that the total number of Assistant RDCs may, in fact, have been inflated beyond what official figures currently reflect, a possibility that opens up additional questions regarding answerability within the Office of the President.

President Museveni has, on numerous occasions, reiterated his commitment to combating corruption, describing it as one of the principal obstacles standing in the way of national development, and in a number of public addresses he has vowed to take firm action against any official found to be implicated in financial misconduct.

"Corruption is an enemy of progress, and those who engage in it will face consequences," he has said in past statements, and his government has, over the years, sanctioned or prosecuted officials across a range of ministries and agencies, even as watchdog groups continue to call, with growing insistence, for stronger enforcement mechanisms.

The irony of a minister who champions anti-corruption being implicated in corruption scandals and targeting journalists is not lost on observers, who see it as a stark illustration of the gap between rhetoric and reality in Uganda's fight against corruption.

The international community is watching closely, and there is growing concern that Asiteza's case could set a dangerous precedent for the treatment of journalists who report on corruption in Uganda.

Calls for Justice and Press Freedom ¶

Asiteza's family, colleagues, and supporters are demanding his immediate release and are calling on the Ugandan government to respect the rule of law and allow journalists to do their work without fear of intimidation or arbitrary detention.

Press freedom organisations and the international community are watching closely as Asiteza's detention continues without charge, with growing concern that his case could set a dangerous precedent for the treatment of journalists who report on corruption in Uganda.

The case of Remmy Asiteza is a stark reminder of the challenges facing journalists in East Africa, where reporting on corruption and abuse of power often comes with grave personal risk, and it shows the urgent need for stronger protections for press freedom across the region.

As the investigation into the A-RDC scandal continues and Parliament's COSASE committee pursues its inquiry into the UPPC matter, the detention of Asiteza stands as a troubling example of how those in power seek to silence those who report on their misconduct.

A growing number of disgruntled gamblers are sounding the alarm over Mozzart Bet’s virtual games, with players accusing the betting company of manipulating outcomes in a scheme that they say is designed to ensure customers lose their money regardless of the result they select.

Multiple punters have come forward with similar complaints about the company’s virtual football offerings, claiming that the results appear predetermined and that the odds are structured in a manner that consistently works against players, leaving them questioning the integrity of the platform and calling for greater scrutiny of its operations.

Oe game that has attracted particular attention is the “Instant Virtual Football Golden Race,” where players say they have observed a recurring pattern in the outcomes, claiming that whenever they place a bet on either team to win, the match frequently ends in a draw, while selecting a draw is followed by either a win or a loss for one of the teams.

One punter who regularly places single bets said he noticed the pattern after repeatedly losing on the game, explaining that his selections were repeatedly contradicted by the eventual results, with bets on either team to win ending in draws and bets on draws producing different outcomes.

The player has described the experience as unfair and is calling for the betting company to explain how the virtual games generate their results and whether the systems used to determine the outcomes are independently verified.

The complaints have raised broader questions among players over the transparency of virtual betting games, particularly where customers believe recurring outcome patterns are making it difficult to determine whether the games are operating fairly. "Hello Nyakundi. I want to share how gambling company Mozzart Bet is a scam. I played a game called Instant Virtual Football Golden Race. I normally bet single bets, but whenever I go for either team to win, the game ends in a draw. And if I go for the draw, it either wins or loses. This is a scam. I want you to share this story so that people are saved. Please find photos for evidence."

This complaint is far from an isolated incident, as hundreds of Kenyan punters have flooded consumer forums, social media platforms, and parliamentary petitions with identical stories of winning bets on Mozzart only to have their withdrawals blocked, delayed, or permanently frozen.

The company has been accused of inventing technical glitches, processing errors, or vague "bonus abuse" accusations until the victim finally gives up in exhaustion, leaving them frustrated and out of pocket.

A Pattern of Predatory Practices

The pattern of manipulation at Mozzart Bet extends far beyond virtual football games, as the company has been caught staging fake jackpot winners using actors and misleading the public with flashy advertisements and staged millionaire ceremonies that portray paid performers as genuine winners.

Investigators and media reports have revealed that they hire actors to pose as jackpot victors, with the same faces appearing in multiple campaigns over different years, proving they are not customers but professional performers.

These staged ceremonies serve one purpose: they convince vulnerable young Kenyans that betting offers a way out of poverty, so when a young person sees a fake winner celebrate millions of shillings, they empty their wages into the platform hoping to replicate that fantasy, but the house always wins and the young person loses everything.

The company's predatory marketing strategy targets Kenya's most vulnerable populations, with agents deployed to low-income areas where betting propensity is highest, while "free bets" and "bonus credits" trap newcomers into endless cycles of deposits and losses.

Money Laundering Machine

The rot at Mozzart Bet runs far deeper than manipulated games and deceptive advertising, as court rulings have exposed the company as a money‑laundering machine that has been operating with impunity for years.

In a landmark judgment delivered in May 2025, the Court of Appeal ruled that Ksh 256 million seized from the firm were proceeds of crime, ending the betting company’s fight to reclaim the funds.

The appellate bench, composed of Justices Francis Toiyott, Fred Ochieng, and Aggrey Muchelule, upheld findings by the Asset Recovery Agency that the money was laundered through sham contracts and shell companies.

The betting operator argued that the funds were for a legitimate software contract with Kimaco Connection Ltd, but investigators found Kimaco was a ghost company with no employees, no income, nil tax returns filed with KRA, and no capacity to develop betting software.

The judges likened Kimaco to a duck, noting that if it looks, swims, and quacks like one, it probably is a duck.

Investigators traced nearly Ksh 640 million moving through the network, with the cash flowing from the betting firm to shell companies such as Kimaco Connections Limited, which on paper existed to supply software but in reality had no office, employees, computers or capacity to produce any software product.

The court traced those payments directly, showing that from Mozzart Bet the cash moved to Kimaco, then jumped to Pescom Kenya as another intermediary, and finally landed in the personal current accounts of its own directors.

The directors named in the judgment include Musa Cherutich Sirma, a Kenyan and former Member of Parliament; Emmanuel Charumbira, from Zimbabwe; and Branimir Melentijevic, a Serbian national, all of whom signed off on the fake software deals and watched their personal balances swell while Kenyan gamblers lost their wages on the very platform these men controlled. Melentijevic, a shareholder of Mozzartbet Africa, which is the majority shareholder of the Kenyan-registered betting firm, was found to have directly received laundered proceeds through the complex corporate structures.

Captured Regulator

The Gambling Regulatory Authority, which holds the legal mandate to revoke licences, fine operators, and block advertising, has done nothing to stop Mozzart despite having more than enough legal grounds to shut it down following the money-laundering conviction.

Explosive reports emerged in early 2026 that the company had earmarked close to Ksh 100 million to influence the newly formed GRA board ahead of the June 30 licence renewal deadline.

Sources close to the regulator told journalists that the company's director, Musa Cherutich Sirma, has reportedly been telling associates in private that the GRA is under control and that the company's operating licence will be renewed regardless of what the courts have found.

The GRA board has not publicly denied these reports nor instituted any disciplinary action against Mozzart Bet, and the regulator's conspicuous silence speaks louder than any confession, confirming what many already suspected.

Kenya's gambling watchdog does not watch but collects, negotiates, and sells favours to the highest bidder. The company's licence was previously suspended in 2019 alongside 26 other betting firms, yet it continues to operate as if nothing happened.

Human Toll

The human toll of Mozzart's operations is devastating and cannot be quantified in shillings, as Kenyan youth now lead Africa in problem gambling rates, with suicides linked to betting debts rising every year since it expanded aggressively.

Young men and women sell their phones, their motorbikes, and even their land titles chasing losses on mobile betting apps that never pay back what they take.

The company's platform makes this destruction dangerously easy through one-click deposits from M-Pesa, instant betting on live matches, and push notifications that urge "re-bet" after every loss, with no cooling-off period, no mandatory loss limits, and no meaningful self-exclusion tool.

Safaricom's AI had flagged dozens of high-traffic betting APIs, including Mozzart Bet, for suspicious activity, and offshore cash-outs linked to unverified wallet owners triggered intervention by the Financial Reporting Centre and Central Bank's AML unit.

Gambling-related depression rates are triple the national average, suicidal ideation increases with every losing streak, family violence spikes after major football tournaments, and schools report falling attendance on days when high-stakes matches occur, so the cost to Kenya's future is incalculable because a generation raised on betting apps will not build businesses, will not innovate, and will not save, but will gamble instead.

A Licence to Steal

Courts have done their job, the Asset Recovery Agency has done its job, and the journalists have done their job, yet the only institution that refuses to act is the Gambling Regulatory Authority, and that refusal stems from greed because the regulator has sold its integrity for a few million shillings and traded the welfare of Kenyan youth for personal enrichment.

The law is clear and the evidence is overwhelming, so Mozzart Bet should have lost its licence the day the High Court delivered its money laundering verdict, it should have been barred from advertising, and its directors should have faced criminal prosecution, but none of that happened because the people paid to enforce the law are the same people paid to break it.

Immediate action is now required from the Gambling Regulatory Authority to revoke Mozzart Bet's licence without further delay, while the Director of Public Prosecutions must charge the named directors with money laundering offences and Parliament must ban all betting advertisements on public media so that no more actors pretend to be winners and no more false hope broadcasts into every living room.

Kenyan citizens deserve far better than what they have received, and the youth who lose their wages and the families torn apart by gambling addiction deserve justice, for Mozzart Bet is a predator that thrives only because the fence protecting the public has been brought down by a regulator that has sold its integrity for bribes.

A country where a convicted money launderer continues to harvest billions from its most vulnerable population while bribing regulators, staging fake jackpots, refusing to pay genuine winners, targeting children with addictive advertising, evading taxes, and exporting profits overseas is a country that has accepted an unacceptable alternative, and that alternative must be rejected.

A group of former employees of Nairobi-based retail company Forever Trendy have come forward with a troubling account of mistreatment, revealing that after dedicating years of their lives to the company, they were abruptly terminated in July 2024 on the grounds of financial difficulties, only to be left without their terminal benefits and subjected to a series of broken promises by management.

The affected workers, who had been with the company for varying periods, received termination letters dated July 31, 2024, signed by Director Wilfred Gathu, which stated that the company was downsizing due to "current economic conditions" and offered an extra month's salary as compensation.

More than a year later, that compensation, along with other dues, has yet to be paid, and the company is also accused of failing to remit statutory deductions such as NHIF and SHA that were routinely deducted from employees' salaries during their employment.

Their attempts to follow up on the unpaid dues have reportedly been met with empty promises and dismissive responses from management, leaving dozens of workers feeling frustrated and helpless.

The termination letter itself offers a glimpse into the company's approach, framing the dismissal as a necessary response to financial challenges while assuring the employees that the decision was not a reflection of their work performance.

The unpaid terminal benefits and the failure to remit statutory deductions are serious violations of Kenya's employment laws, which require employers to pay all dues owed to employees upon termination and to ensure that all statutory contributions are made on time.

This exposes a troubling pattern where employers use financial difficulties as a convenient excuse to avoid paying what they owe, leaving workers without recourse and forcing them to navigate a complex and often inaccessible legal system.

Companies that operate in this manner not only violate the law but also undermine the trust and goodwill of their workers, many of whom have dedicated years of their lives to building the business.

The failure to pay terminal benefits is a form of wage theft that has devastating consequences for workers and their families, who are often left without income and forced to rely on meagre savings or support from relatives.

Affected victims are now calling on the Ministry of Labour and Social Protection, the National Employment Authority, and the relevant parliamentary committees to intervene and compel Forever Trendy to settle all outstanding dues, warning that if the company continues to evade its obligations, they will have no choice but to escalate the matter to the Employment and Labour Relations Court.

"Hi Nyakundi. Hide my ID. I am a former Forever Trendy employee, and I am reaching out over unpaid terminal dues and statutory deductions following our termination in July 2024, when the company cited financial difficulties and promised us an extra month salary as compensation. More than a year later, we have not received the promised compensation or other outstanding dues, while deductions made from our salaries, including NHIF and SHA contributions, were not remitted. Whenever we reach out to management to ask about our money, we are taken in circles and given promises that are never fulfilled, leaving us with no clear answer on when we will finally be paid."

Frustrated students at Kisii University are up in arms over the institution's handling of special and supplementary examinations, with over 600 students facing the prospect of being locked out of graduation due to missing marks and a chaotic results release process that has dragged on since June.

The university senate only approved the results last week and released a supplementary list that inexplicably excluded students who were affected in the previous academic year, contrary to expectations and leaving many students stranded without clarity on their academic standing.

Students have accused some lecturers of using agents to solicit bribes for the resurfacing of "misplaced" marks, a practice that has been reported repeatedly without any meaningful action from the administration, and which has contributed to the growing backlog of unresolved academic cases.

The current crisis comes just months after over 3,000 students were locked out of the December 2025 graduation, forcing the university to organise a mini graduation in February, and students are now demanding that the administration take prompt action to prevent a repeat of the chaos that has left hundreds of students in limbo.

"Hello Cyprian. I am writing to express my frustrations over how Kisii University is handling special and supplementary examinations. Since June, students have continuously been following up on the release of results for last semester examinations, as well as confirmed dates for special examinations. Despite numerous efforts, the Senate only approved the results last week and released the supplementary list only for students who sat for examinations in the 2025/2026 academic year, contrary to the expectation that it would include students who were affected last year. This has really frustrated more than 600 students who are set to be locked out of graduation due to missing marks, which are reportedly a result of negligence by lecturers across all faculties. Some staff members are also said to use agents to solicit bribes for “misplaced” marks to resurface. The issue has been raised severally, even after more than 3,000 students were locked out of the December 2025 graduation, forcing the university to organise a mini graduation in February. The administration seriously needs to take prompt action to avoid inconveniencing many students."

Workers at Naitiri Sugar Company, a subsidiary of billionaire Jaswant Singh Rai's expansive business empire, have raised a fresh storm over the selective application of the government's 12% salary increment, accusing management of using a litany of excuses to deny them the wage increase that was gazetted in June 2026 as a legal requirement for all workers.

The employees, who have been agitating for the implementation of the increment announced by President William Ruto on Labour Day, say they have been met with a series of contradictory explanations from the company, including claims that some workers are "overpaid," others are "above the general wage order," and that certain employees failed to submit verified certificates on time, leaving many of them frustrated and feeling cheated by a company that is part of one of Kenya's most powerful corporate conglomerates.

The complaints come against a backdrop of national confusion over the implementation of the 12% salary increment, which the government gazetted in June 2026 after President Ruto announced it as a universal adjustment for all workers during the Labour Day celebrations at Uhuru Gardens.

While the government and the Central Organisation of Trade Unions (COTU) insisted that the increment applied to all employees across the board, employers, led by the Kenya Association of Manufacturers (KAM) and the Federation of Kenya Employers (FKE), pushed back and argued that the government only has the legal authority to set the minimum wage, and that any increase beyond the statutory minimum should be negotiated between employers and employees through Collective Bargaining Agreements (CBAs).

This legal ambiguity has created a window for employers to selectively apply the wage increase, and workers at Naitiri Sugar say they are paying the price for this confusion.

The workers have outlined four main reasons that the company has given for denying them the 12% increment, and each one has left them questioning the fairness and transparency of the company's human resource policies.

The first reason given by the company is that employees who are considered overpaid in their current roles are not eligible for the increment, a justification that has angered workers who see it as a punishment for their hard work and career progression, and they argue that this rationale is being used to deny them a benefit that the government intended for all workers without exception.

The second reason offered by the company is that employees earning above the general wage order are excluded from the increment, a position that effectively interprets the general wage order as the statutory minimum wage and denies the increment to anyone earning above that threshold, a stance that directly contradicts the government's stated intention of a universal increase for all workers.

The third reason provided to workers is that those who failed to submit verified certificates within the company's deadline are not entitled to the increment, a requirement that employees say is arbitrary and has been used to exclude a significant number of workers who may have had genuine difficulties in obtaining and submitting their documents on time.

The fourth reason given is that contract or agency workers, who are not directly employed by Naitiri Sugar but are hired through third-party agencies, are outside the general wage order because their dues are set by the client, a justification that effectively absolves the company of any responsibility for their wages and leaves these workers at the mercy of their employers.

Workers have rejected the four explanations given by the company, describing them as excuses for withholding the 12% salary increment, and are demanding that Naitiri Sugar implement the wage increase across its workforce without discrimination.

They argue that the criteria being used to determine eligibility have created unequal treatment among employees and are calling on the government to intervene to ensure that the company complies with the applicable wage requirements.

The dispute at Naitiri Sugar comes against a backdrop of longstanding labour challenges in Kenya's sugar industry, which has faced recurring complaints over wage arrears, casualisation, employment conditions and limited union representation.

In 2026, workers at several sugar mills, including Nzoia Sugar, threatened a nationwide strike over years of unpaid salaries and benefits, while former workers of Pan Paper Mills, now operated by the Rai Group as Rai Paper, protested over unpaid dues and redundancies.

The latest complaints from Naitiri Sugar workers therefore add to a wider series of labour disputes that have continued to affect employees across the sector.

Naitiri Sugar is part of the Rai Group, whose sugar interests include West Kenya Sugar, Sukari Industries, Olepito Sugar and Naitiri Sugar, while the wider business empire founded by billionaire Jaswant Singh Rai extends into edible oils, cement, paper, real estate and timber processing.

The group has also faced various controversies and allegations relating to labour practices, environmental matters and community disputes across some of its operations, although the specific circumstances differ from one company or project to another.

The Naitiri Sugar workers say they feel disadvantaged by the company's position on the salary increment and are seeking government intervention to have the dispute addressed.

They maintain that if the matter is not resolved internally, they are prepared to pursue the issue before the Employment and Labour Relations Court and seek a determination on whether the company's interpretation of the wage increase and the criteria it has applied to its employees are lawful.

"Good morning Nyakundi. So many complaints have been raised from the recent payroll. Those employees who didn't get 12%, the below reasons were given; 1) If in your current role you're overpaid 2) You're above the general wage order 3) You failed to provide a verified certificate on time 4) You're outside the general wage order, meaning the client sets your dues. This is what we go through Rai group under contractor this Naitiri sugar even 12% increment is given selectively?"

The Siaya County Government has rejected an advisory opinion issued by the Commission on Administrative Justice concerning appointments and administrative decisions within the county.

In a letter to CAJ Chairperson Charles Dulo, Governor James Orengo accused the commission, commonly known as the Office of the Ombudsman, of publishing findings against the county without giving it a fair chance to respond.

Orengo said the county was never formally given the advisory opinion before it was released and circulated publicly. He said the county was equally not shown the complaints, evidence or statements used by the commission to reach its findings.

The governor said it was troubling for an institution created to protect administrative justice to make adverse findings against a public body before hearing its side.

According to the county, the manner in which the opinion was prepared and released may have breached Article 47 of the Constitution, which protects the right to lawful and fair administrative action.

The county cited Article 50(1), which guarantees the right to a fair hearing.

Orengo said those protections apply to every institution, including constitutional commissions.

“The Commission must uphold the very principles of administrative justice that it exists to protect,” the county said in the letter.

The county has questioned whether CAJ carried out an independent investigation after noting similarities between parts of the original complaint and the wording used in the commission’s findings.

The complaint is said to have come from the Siaya County Assembly, which has had several disputes with the county executive.

Siaya wants CAJ to explain what evidence it obtained directly from the county executive before reaching its decision.

“An independent constitutional commission must independently establish facts, hear all sides and apply the law impartially,” the letter states.

The county warned that CAJ should not become a channel through which accusations made by one political side are turned into findings against another without proper checks.

It rejected claims that appointments and administrative decisions made by the county executive were unlawful, saying political disagreement alone does not make an official decision illegal.

Siaya has accused CAJ of going beyond its mandate if the advisory opinion was meant to carry the force of a binding decision.

The county is now demanding a complete copy of the opinion, the original complaint, supporting documents and all evidence used by the commission.

It wants records showing when it was contacted, what questions it was asked and what chance it was given to respond before the findings were released.

The county has asked CAJ to state the legal basis it used to make findings that Siaya says went beyond an advisory role.

Orengo has warned that the county may move to court over the investigation, publication of the opinion and any action taken from its findings.

The county maintains that it will not accept findings reached through a process in which it was not heard.

CAJ is yet to publicly answer the issues raised in Orengo’s letter.

For five years, workers at the Embassy of the Republic of South Sudan in Nairobi have endured inconsistent and often delayed salary payments, with the diplomatic mission's leadership failing to address the accumulating arrears even after a public outcry in 2025 exposed the dire situation at the Senteu Plaza offices on Galana Road.

Both South Sudanese and Kenyan nationals employed at the mission have not received consistent pay for over half a decade, a situation that has pushed many of them to the brink of destitution while their families struggle to survive, yet no meaningful action has been taken to resolve the crisis despite repeated pleas and legal action.

The workers first brought their plight to public attention in 2025, when a group of nine Kenyan employees filed a lawsuit against the South Sudanese government over $320,195 (approximately Ksh 41.9 million) in wage arrears at the Milimani Law Courts in Nairobi, arguing that they had never been issued written contracts despite being hired by the embassy 13 years ago.

Serving in the foreign affairs, immigration, and security departments of the embassy, the nine employees claimed that consistent pay only came between 2013 and 2015, with the irregularity starting in earnest in February 2016 when they received only half their salary, followed by total non-payment in October to December 2016, August to December 2017, and most recently between April and June 2025.

They provided evidence of their employer-employee relationship, including salary payment records and several letters they wrote to the embassy seeking payment of their dues, but their pleas fell on deaf ears.

Respected regional publication, The East African, amplified the case in a detailed piece on the arrears in July 2025, but the coverage did little to spur action from the embassy or the South Sudanese government, with the only visible response being the shuffling of new ambassadors and a continued indifference to the suffering of the staff.

The embassy's leadership at the time, led by Ambassador Chol M. U. Ajongo, acknowledged the payment backlog but attributed the delays to broader economic struggles in Juba, a claim that offered little comfort to workers who had not seen a regular salary for years and whose lives had been turned upside down by financial uncertainty.

A change in leadership occurred in mid-2025, when Ambassador Anthony Louis Kon officially took over as Ambassador Plenipotentiary and Extraordinary of the Republic of South Sudan to the Republic of Kenya, with Deputy Head of Mission Ambassador Barnaba Bol Nyuol serving as Chargé d'Affaires a.i. to assist in overseeing day-to-day coordination and managing embassy relations with the Kenyan Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

Despite the change at the top, the workers say the new leadership has done little to resolve the salary crisis, and the embassy continues to operate without addressing the longstanding arrears that have left employees destitute.

The workers have noted that the embassy has been aware of the situation for years, yet no concrete steps have been taken to address the arrears.

Now, more than a year after the lawsuit was filed and the East African published its piece, the workers remain unpaid, with the situation growing increasingly desperate as their families continue to suffer.

The workers have expressed frustration that the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, which they describe as a toothless dog, has done little to intervene on their behalf, preferring instead to issue declarations about protecting citizens abroad while ignoring the exploitation of Kenyans working for diplomatic missions within the country's borders.

Through their lawyer, Nicodemus Ouma, the workers wrote to the State Department on April 14, 2025, seeking intervention in the pay dispute and informing the government that they wished to avoid litigation, but that they would sue South Sudan's embassy if no resolution was reached within 30 days.

That deadline passed over a year ago, and still nothing has been done.

Questions about Kenya's sovereignty have been raised by the government's inaction, with the workers noting that Nairobi has granted South Sudan the use of the dry port in Naivasha while turning a blind eye to the exploitation of Kenyan workers by the very diplomatic mission that benefits from Kenya's hospitality and infrastructure.

The workers have argued that the continued exploitation of Kenyan workers by a diplomatic mission is an affront to Kenya's sovereignty and dignity, and they have warned that if the situation is left unchecked, it will set a dangerous precedent for other foreign missions operating in Kenya.

No one should be forced to work for years without pay while their families suffer, they have urged, calling on the relevant authorities to intervene and ensure that they receive their hard-earned money.

The situation at the South Sudan Embassy is a stain on Kenya's reputation as a host country for diplomatic missions and a reminder of the vulnerability of workers who are often exploited by foreign employers who take advantage of lax enforcement of labour laws.

The workers have been left with no choice but to continue their struggle for justice, hoping that their voices will finally be heard and that the government will act to protect their rights and ensure that they receive the money they have earned through years of hard work and dedication.

"Good evening, Cyprian. Hide ID. Just a concern about how workers in the embassy of South Sudan are not yet paid their outstanding salaries arrears of 5 years. Even after being called out a year ago for not doing so. Nothing has ever been done and foreign affairs the toothless dog is busy making declarations of protecting its citizens yet the situation is becoming worse. If our own sovereignty is being played upon this way you can imagine what is behind closed agreements. They have been granted the dry port in Naivasha. If it wasn't the rent arrears last year, no one would know how bad the situation is. If you leave all your hard earned money is gone. The East African highlighted their piece on the arrears and nothing just shuffling of new ambassadors."

The latest application by Jane Wangechi Kabiu, a Company Secretary who is facing charges alongside two sons of former Attorney-General James Boro Karugu, raises a serious professional credibility question and advances a striking argument for a review of her bail terms.

Kabiu, a rogue proprietor of Optimum Registrars, is charged with conspiracy to defraud, forgery and giving false information over an alleged scheme to unlawfully transfer company shares.

Kabiu, of Optimum Registrars, company secretary is expected to verify authority, safeguard supporting documentation and ensure that filings presented to the Registrar reflect genuine corporate transactions.

Yet in seeking a review of her bail terms, Kabiu argues that the criminal proceedings essentially "rotate around" a single company share valued at just Ksh 100.

The Ksh 100 argument, however, risks becoming a convenient diversion from the substance of the allegations before the court, an alleged fraudulent transfer, forgery of corporate documents and the use of false information to effect the disputed transactions.

The concerns surrounding Jane Kabiu do not, however, end with the disputed share transfer. Kabiu has also been implicated in separate allegations concerning the purported Will and Trust of the late James Karugu, alongside Kaplan and Stratton lawyer Peter Gachuhi, Eric Mwaura Karugu, lawyer Kimani Richu, Eliud Gatambia and Joshua Kimani of the Full Gospel Churches of Kenya in Kinangop.

Those allegations concern the authenticity and handling of documents said to govern a substantial estate and should be distinguished from the share-transfer charges now before the criminal court.

They nevertheless place the allegations against Kabiu and her professional conduct within a much broader controversy over the authenticity of important legal and corporate instruments.

The application repeatedly relies on the Ksh100 nominal value of the share to argue that cash bail of Ksh 700,000 is excessive.

But the charge sheet annexed to the same application presents a very different picture.

The State alleges that Jane Kabiu, Eric Mwaura Karugu and Benjamin Githara Karugu conspired to defraud Victoria Nyambura Karugu by transferring her ordinary share to Centurion Holdings Limited.

The Ksh100 figure is therefore hardly the central issue in the prosecution's case. Nominal share value is not necessarily the economic value of the ownership interest represented by that share.

Nothing in the bond-review application demonstrates that Victoria Nyambura Karugu's actual interest in the company was worth only Ksh 100.

More importantly, the seriousness of an alleged forgery cannot reasonably be measured by the nominal amount appearing on the instrument allegedly forged.

That distinction is particularly significant for Kabiu, as proprietor of Optimum Registrars.

She occupied a professional position entrusted with maintaining the integrity of corporate records.

Share registers, transfer instruments and statutory filings exist precisely so that corporate ownership can be reliably established.

Kabiu was therefore not merely a distant observer of the disputed transaction. Her professional role placed her at the centre of the corporate secretarial process.

The allegation against her goes directly to the heart of that responsibility.

The prosecution alleges that Kabiu knowingly and fraudulently uttered a false Share Transfer Form purporting to be the genuine Share Transfer Form of Victoria Nyambura Karugu and presented it to the Director General of Business Registration Services.

The applicants' own bond-review papers reproduce that charge.

The disputed transfer instrument is itself annexed to the application.

It purports to have been executed in Victoria Nyambura Karugu's name and identifies Centurion Holdings Limited as the recipient of the disputed interest.

That document, not the Ksh100 nominal figure, is at the centre of the criminal controversy.

The State alleges the opposite of the narrative suggested by the Ksh 100 argument: participation in a conspiracy surrounding the transfer and the knowing presentation of a false ownership instrument as genuine.

The Ksh 100 argument answers none of those allegations.

It does not establish the true economic value of the shareholding, prove that Victoria Nyambura authorized the transfer, authenticate her signature or explain how the disputed instrument came into existence.

Nor does it answer the prosecution allegation concerning Kabiu's presentation of the instrument to the Business Registration Service.

Kabiu, proprietor of Optimum Registrars, cannot make the underlying documentary questions disappear simply by concentrating attention on a nominal share value of Ksh 100.

At its core, the prosecution concerns the integrity of corporate ownership records and the alleged use of a false instrument to interfere with them.

That is precisely where the credibility and professional responsibility of a company secretary matter most.

Reducing an alleged forgery to the nominal value of a share does not diminish the allegation. It risks diverting attention from its substance.

The concerns surrounding Kabiu do not, however, end with the disputed share transfer.

She has also been implicated in separate allegations concerning the purported Will and Trust of the late James Karugu, alongside Kaplan and Stratton lawyer Peter Gachuhi, Eric Mwaura Karugu, lawyer Kimani Richu, Eliud Gatambia and Joshua Kimani of the Full Gospel Churches of Kenya in Kinangop.

Those allegations concern the authenticity and handling of documents said to govern a substantial estate and should be distinguished from the share-transfer charges now before the criminal court.

They nevertheless place the allegations against Kabiu and questions surrounding her professional conduct within a much broader controversy over the authenticity of important legal and corporate instruments.

Reports of systematic bribery and abuse of police authority have emerged from Lolgorian Police Station in Narok County, where officers are accused of collecting money from every business in the area, including shops, wines and spirits outlets, bars, clubs, and betting shops, on a regular basis every Wednesday and Saturday.

The officer identified as the primary collector of these illegal levies is Kipsang, a police vehicle driver, who allegedly goes door to door demanding payments from business owners under the protection and facilitation of the Officer Commanding Station (OCS), Mr. Chirchir, and his seniors.

Business owners in Lolgorian, who have been subjected to this routine extortion for a prolonged period, say the illegal collections have become so entrenched that they now operate like a scheduled tax, with the money being collected on the same days each week without fail, and those who refuse or fail to pay are reportedly subjected to intimidation and harassment.

The affected traders are now appealing for urgent intervention from the relevant authorities, including the Inspector General of Police and the Independent Policing Oversight Authority (IPOA) as they fear speaking out publicly but hope that exposure will prompt a thorough investigation and put an end to the illegal collections that have turned their businesses into targets for exploitation.

"Hello Nyakundi. Please expose what is happening at Lolgorian Police Station. Officers collect Ksh 200 from every business in the area, including shops, wines and spirits outlets, bars, clubs, and betting shops, every Wednesday and Saturday. The officer who normally goes around collecting the money is Kipsang, a police vehicle driver. This operation is being protected and facilitated by Mr. Chirchir, the OCS of Lolgorian Police Station, together with his seniors. This is a systematic collection of bribes from businesses and a serious abuse of police authority. It needs urgent investigation and exposure. Please look into this matter and give the affected business owners a platform to speak out."

Residents of Mwatate in Taita Taveta County are facing a severe water crisis that has left them without consistent access to the essential commodity for months, with locals accusing the TAVEVO Water and Sewerage Company Limited of negligence, complicity in vandalism, and a complete disregard for the plight of the community they are mandated to serve.

The crisis, which has been ongoing since 2023, has seen residents go for months without water being pumped despite paying for the service, with the field technician using rationing as a cover to deny residents water while the head office provides no assistance when contacted.

The situation has been compounded by the company's failure to address the rampant vandalism and destruction of water pipes in the area, with residents strongly suspecting that TAVEVO is complicit in the destruction given their repeated refusal to take meaningful action to protect the infrastructure.

The desperation of the residents reached a boiling point on Monday when they took to the streets of Mwatate to demonstrate against the ongoing negligence, a clear sign of the frustration and hopelessness that has gripped the community as they are left to beg for basic services from a company that continues to collect payment without delivering.

Despite the severity of the crisis, residents say their pleas for help have fallen on deaf ears, with neither the company's management nor the relevant government authorities stepping in to address the situation.

One resident, who spoke to this publication on condition of anonymity, recounted a humiliating encounter with a TAVEVO manager who dismissed their concerns with arrogance, telling them that they could not threaten the company.

The manager reportedly repeated the phrase "huwezi tushtua" with an air of defiance, a response that left the residents feeling powerless and further convinced that the company has no intention of addressing the crisis.

The water crisis has also exposed a deeper problem of governance and accountability, as residents say they have reached out to the relevant ministers and authorities but have received no help on the issue.

The failure of the county government and the national government to intervene has only added to the frustration of the residents, who feel abandoned by the very institutions that are supposed to protect their rights and ensure their access to clean water.

The situation has now escalated into a public health crisis, as the lack of clean water poses a serious risk to the health and well-being of the community.

Residents are now calling on the national government, the Taita Taveta County Government, and the Water Services Regulatory Board to intervene and address the crisis immediately.

"Hey Cyprian. I'm reaching out about a serious water crisis affecting residents in Mwatate, Taita Taveta County that deserves public attention. Since 2023, residents have been denied consistent access to water by the local water company. We go months without water being pumped despite paying for the service. The field technician uses rationing as a cover to deny residents water while the head office provides no assistance when contacted. What makes this worse is the company's complete failure to address vandalism and destruction of water pipes. Residents strongly suspect the company is complicit in this destruction given their repeated refusal to take meaningful action. Yesterday, residents demonstrated in town over this ongoing negligence, a sign of how desperate the situation has become. People are being left to beg for basic services from a company that collects payment without delivering. This is a public health issue affecting an entire community and it deserves to be told. I am happy to provide more details if you are interested in covering this story. Not forgetting other people have reached out to the minister but still no help on the issue. I mentioned to one of the managers at Tavevo that I will make this information public and he repeatedly told me "huwezi tushtua and you can't threaten anyone." It's become an incredibly humiliating experience dealing with these criminals."

A frustrated land buyer has come forward with a troubling complaint against Ruai-based Banita Real Estate Limited, alleging that the company's director, Mr. Mwangi Kago, sold his plot without prior notice and has since refused to refund his Ksh 300,000 downpayment despite repeated attempts to resolve the matter amicably.

The complainant, who entered into a land sale agreement with Banita Real Estate in June 2022, paid Ksh 300,000 as a deposit for a 50 by 100 piece of land, Title Mavoko 12/216/Plot 26, located in the Tamu Court estate in Ruai.

The agreement, which was countersigned by both parties, stipulated that the balance of the purchase price, which stood at Ksh 1.4 million, was to be paid in instalments over a period of 180 days, with the vendor undertaking to deliver the title deed in the purchaser's name upon completion of the sale.

The buyer made the payment via RTGS and shared the payment advice with the director, countersigning a copy of the agreement that had been shared on email, confident that all would proceed as agreed.

According to the complainant, he faced financial difficulties from 2023 onward, which made it impossible for him to honour the payment agreement fully.

He kept in touch with the director via calls and texts, communicating his plight, and the director was reportedly positive, indicating that he should resume payments whenever he bounced back.

However, when they met in 2024 to discuss a new payment plan, the director informed him that the plot had already been sold long ago, a revelation that came as a complete shock to the buyer, who had been operating under the assumption that the land was still available.

The complainant says the land was sold without any prior written notice, as required under clause 7.2 of the agreement, nor did the director extend the courtesy of a phone call to inform him of the sale.

The director offered him an alternative parcel, but the buyer declined and demanded a refund of his downpayment, a request that has now gone unanswered for over a year and a half.

The refusal to refund the money has left the complainant deeply frustrated, as he had invested his hard-earned money in what he believed was a legitimate land purchase.

The buyer has since made numerous attempts to reach the director, but the individual no longer picks up his calls, does not respond to texts, and remains unavailable at his office.

The complainant says he has visited the office three times, only to be told by employees that the director never comes there, a pattern of avoidance that has only added to his frustration.

"It's quite frustrating to be treated this way by a company purporting to be selling land to would-be home owners," he said, expressing his disappointment at the lack of professionalism and accountability.

The complainant is now appealing to the public to exercise caution when dealing with Banita Real Estate and other land selling firms, and is calling on the relevant authorities to intervene and help him recover his money.

He has also shared copies of the land sale agreement and RTGS payment advice as evidence of the transaction, and he is hopeful that by bringing this matter to light, the company will be compelled to do the right thing and refund his money.

The incident serves as a stark reminder of the risks involved in land transactions and the importance of dealing with reputable firms that honour their contractual obligations.

"Good Evening Cyprian. I wish to share with you my predicament with the director of a real estate company based in Ruai, Banita Real Estate. In June 2022, through a real estate company, Banita Real Estate based in Ruai, I made a downpayment for a 50 by 100 piece of land, (Title: Mavoko 12/216/Plot 26) at the Tamu Court, that's situated in Ruai. Through the director, Mr. Mwangi Kago whom I engaged directly, I was able to make payment to the tune of KES 300,000, and the balance was to be paid in instalments (please see the attached agreement. Bio data has been elided). After I made the payment via RTGS, I shared the RTGS payment advice with him, and countersigned a copy of the agreement which he had shared on email, and knew that all would be well. From 2023, I faced financial headwinds thereafter, which made it impossible for me to honor the payment agreement fully. I kept in touch with Mr. Kago via calls and texts to communicate my plight at the time. He was positive, and indicated that whenever I bounced back, I should resume payments. One time in 2024 we met at my office to indicate to him what my payment plan was, and it was in that meeting that he indicated to me that he had sold my land long ago, according to his own admission. Mind you, this was done without any prior written notice to me as in clause 7.2 in the attached agreement, neither did he even extend me the courtesy of a call to indicate the same. He however indicated that I should choose another parcel at the time and resume payments, since they had sold all the ones in that particular community. I later declined this offer and demanded that he refunds my downpayment, and to this day, it's been a year and a half of cat-and-mouse games. He no longer picks my calls, no longer responds to my texts and he remains unavailable in his office. I've visited his office thrice, and the employees have indicated to me that he never comes there. It's quite frustrating to be treated this way by a company purporting to be selling land to would-be home owners. Kindly warn your community of followers not to engage with such unscrupulous firms when it comes to dealings involving land. Please find the accompanying land sale agreement and RTGS payment transfer advice."

A massive gas explosion rocked the Coral Bells residential apartments along Kiambu Road on the afternoon of Sunday, August 9, 2026, sending shockwaves through the building and leaving residents fearing the structure was about to collapse, with the blast occurring on the second floor of the TSAVO-developed complex in Thindigua around 4pm and shattering window glasses of at least four apartments while also damaging a car in the parking lot.

The explosion, which appears to have been triggered by a gas leak that a repairman working inside one of the units was reportedly unaware of, has left the technician unaccounted for, with residents and management still uncertain about his whereabouts and whether he survived the blast.

Residents have expressed growing frustration with the building's management, questioning why such a catastrophic incident could happen in a modern complex that boasts biometric access control, CCTV surveillance, and regular maintenance protocols, with many demanding answers about the safety checks that should have prevented the leak or alerted the technician to the danger before he began his work.

The management of Coral Bells has yet to issue an official statement regarding the incident, leaving tenants and the wider public in the dark about the fate of the missing technician, the extent of the structural damage, and the steps being taken to prevent a recurrence of what residents describe as a preventable disaster.

The explosion has also reignited concerns about the safety of gas cylinders in residential apartments, with the source of the leak and the condition of the cylinder involved now under scrutiny, as the incident serves as a stark warning to Kenyans about the dangers of refilling cylinders from unverified sources and the importance of regular inspections.

Below is the full narration from a resident who witnessed the explosion, describing the terrifying moments when the building shook, the confusion that followed, and the growing anger over the management's refusal to speak.

"Hello Nyakundi. There was a massive gas explosion on 9th Aug 2026, inside one of Tsavo Coral Bells Kiambu Road apartments on the 2nd floor around 4pm. The impact made residents think the building was coming down. Apparently, a fundi doing repairs inside the apartment had no idea there was a gas leak, hence going on with his work. Up to now, we have no idea about his whereabouts. The explosion shattered window glasses of 4 apartments and a car window at the parking lot. I would like to urge Kenyans to be careful where they refill their cylinders."

Landing in a new country often means facing the same old problem.

Finding affordable mobile data without wasting time or money.

Expensive roaming charges, long queues at airport SIM kiosks, and the hassle of swapping cards can turn the first hour of any trip into a frustrating experience.

Kwetu eSIM offers a simpler way.

Travellers can purchase, install, and manage travel data plans for over 190 destinations worldwide directly from their smartphones.

There is no need to remove the physical SIM card, no tiny tools to carry around, and no waiting in line at airport shops.

Plans can be bought before departure and activated upon arrival using a QR code or manual activation code.

For African travellers, Kwetu brings familiar payment options to international connectivity. Users can pay through M-Pesa using a simple STK Push, as well as through cards, mobile money, or an in-app wallet.

Prices are displayed in the user's preferred currency for transparency.

The service covers destinations across Africa, Europe, Asia-Pacific, the Americas, and the Middle East, making it suitable for holidays, business trips, and multi-country adventures.

Travellers who run out of data can top up their active eSIM directly through the app without reinstalling or losing their connection.

Kwetu also allows users to gift an eSIM to friends, family, or colleagues travelling abroad.

With international travel increasingly dependent on mobile connectivity for navigation, communication, and staying in touch, the idea is simple.

Sort out your data before you fly and arrive ready to explore.

Kwetu eSIM is available on iOS and Android, with plans also available through kwetuesim.com.

No SIM cards. No roaming stress.

Just land and connect.

In a classic tale of David versus Goliath, the Kirimancuma Primary and Junior School in Meru County is fighting not just for its survival but for the sanctity of the rule of law.

Despite a landmark court victory in April 2025, the institution is once again under siege from powerful state actors, private entities, and a local administration intent on carving up its ancestral land.

On April 23rd, 2025, Justice Oguttu Mboya of the Environment and Land Court in Meru delivered a damning verdict.

In a judgment that would resonate across the entire region, the Judge declared that the subdivision, transfer, and dealing with land parcel LR. NO TIGANIA/KIRIMANCHUMA/6, measuring 10.374 acres, was not just illegal but a constitutional violation.

The court ruled that the land, registered in the name of the Meru County Council but specifically reserved for Kirimancuma Primary School, had been subjected to an illegal and unconstitutional subdivision resulting in the creation of titles 235, 236, 237, and 238.

“An illegality is an illegality. A nullity is a nullity,” Justice Mboya ruled, ordering the immediate cancellation of the resultant illegal title deeds and imposing a permanent injunction against any further dealing with the land.

Yet, despite this unequivocal legal directive, the shadows of the land grab have returned in 2026, executed not by bandits, but by government officials acting under the false guise of “court direction.”

Immediate Violation

The judgment in Petition No. E010 of 2024 was meticulously detailed.

Justice Mboya found that the suit property was alienated public land reserved solely for educational purposes.

The judge pointedly noted that the National Land Commission (NLC), which is constitutionally mandated to manage public land, had been completely bypassed in the subdivision process.

Even more scathing was his rebuke of the Attorney General’s office, which had joined the respondents in “vindicating a flawed process” instead of protecting the Constitution as mandated by Article 156.

In his final orders, the judge declared that the subdivision, transfer, and dealing with the land violated the petitioners' constitutional rights to equality and fair administrative action.

He not only canceled the illegal titles for the subdivisions but also issued a conservation order and a permanent injunction, restraining the respondents, including the Administration Police College Meru (the 4th Respondent) from trespassing, evicting the school, or interfering with its quiet possession and enjoyment.

However, a community member closely following the case told this publication on condition of anonymity for fear of intimidation from local administrators, that, despite the court ruling, the dispute appears to have resurfaced.

“The court gave us hope. We thought the fighting was over. But if you look at what is happening on the ground today, it is as if that judgment was never written. They are back, and this time they are using our own government offices to do it,” the community member said.

The New Assault: Letters, Surveyors, and Police Officers

The most recent attack on the school’s land began on July 27th, 2026.

In a letter addressed to the Principal Secretary, State Department for Basic Education, Hon. John Lekakeny Ololtuaa, Mr. Fred M. Mwei (signing on behalf of the PS) issued a directive to the County Director of Education in Meru.

The letter ordered the surrender of four acres of the school’s land to the police camp, despite the court’s clear order that such land could not be alienated.

To make matters worse, a subsequent letter from the County Director of Education to the school’s Head Teacher, dated 23rd July 2026, contained the devastating news.

Administrative agents purporting to be surveyors had already appeared on the school grounds, accompanied by six heavily armed police officers, to begin the demarcation of the land for surrender.

They claimed they were acting on “court direction.”

“They are trying to arm-twist the truth,” one of the affected residents told this publication.

“There is no court order allowing them to take four acres. The judgment is clear. They are using the state machinery to force through an illegality.”

The Sham Public Participation: A Ksh 500 Bribe and 2kg of Maize Flour

Perhaps the most heartbreaking and cynical twist in this saga involves the deliberate manipulation of the very community the school is meant to serve.

To circumvent the court order, local sub-county administrators held a "discriminative" Board of Management (BOM) meeting on the 3rd and 4th of August 2026.

The sole objective of this meeting was to pass a resolution to excise the school land.

Following this, a massive operation was mounted on August 6th, 2026. Under the guise of "public participation," a group of individuals, handpicked and ferried into a meeting by the local administration, the Deputy County Commissioner (DCC), and the Sub-County Director of Education, was summoned.

Sources close to the school disclosed that each attendee was handed a token amounting to Ksh. 500 and a 2-kilogram packet of maize flour.

The objective was clear: buy their allegiance with food and cash, secure a unanimous "yes sir" from a manufactured crowd, and claim the community had voluntarily ceded the school's land to the police.

Furthermore, a public notice dated 7th August 2026 (signed by Meru County Commissioner George O. Omolo), calls for a "Public Participation Forum" regarding the implementation of Order No. 7 of the Court Judgment, scheduled for Monday, 17th August 2026.

This event is being held at a meeting venue in Kirimancuma Sub-Location, weeks after the resolutions to give away the land have already been secretly passed.

“Sanitizing an event that has already been recorded as being done,” said a prominent teacher from the region, speaking on anonymity.

“They have already taken the land. The meeting on Monday is just a photo-op to make it look lawful on paper. They have already bribed some parents to say 'yes'. They are putting on a play, but the real tragedy is our children.”

The Real Culprit: A Local Police Officer with Immense Interests

The community alleges that the strong-arm tactics are being spearheaded by a senior police officer currently stationed at the Administration Police College Meru.

The source describes this individual as a highly connected local who has immense vested interests in the land and property portfolio within the region.

“The police camp is not a stranger to this situation. They know the court ruling. They know they are in contempt. But they have a specific officer, someone who knows this terrain intimately and has entrenched interests here, driving this entire process forward. They are using the sub-county and county offices as puppets to circumvent the law,” a notable resident said.

A Cry from the Learners

While the local administration focuses on land grabbing, the state of the school itself is lamentable.

The current terrain of Kirimancuma Primary School leaves almost no room for the expansion required for the new Junior Secondary School (JSS) status.

“We don’t have enough land for expansion because of the terrain,” a parent told this publication.

“The school needs that remaining land to build classrooms, laboratories, and teachers' facilities for the junior secondary school students. Yet, the police camp is literally a neighbor. Their training activities, the drills, the noise, it interrupts our children's lessons every single day.”

The source added that the police camp performing paramilitary drills on the school grounds creates an extreme interruption, affecting the concentration and academic progress of learners who are already navigating an overcrowded facility.

The community is not asking for the police to leave the area entirely; they are asking for the police to relocate to a region where their services are genuinely needed, rather than occupying prime educational land right on the school's doorstep.

The Final Tragedy: The First Subdivision

The situation exposes a horrifying reality of land grabbing in Kenya, where public land is rarely stolen wholesale but instead taken piecemeal through a subtle and ruthless game of attrition.

“Stealing of such public land begins with the first subdivision. That is exactly what happened to us. They took the first slice, got away with it, and now they are coming for the rest. If they succeed, the school will not have a future,” a local resident said.

As the Public Participation Forum scheduled for Monday, August 17th, 2026, looms, the community of Kirimancuma is calling upon investigative agencies, honest leaders, and the office of the Attorney General to fulfill their constitutional duty.

The matter remains live in court, with the respondents required to comply with the existing court orders within the six months previously sought and surrender the land to the institution as directed.

Any further subdivision or alienation of the land would therefore amount to contempt of court and constitute a direct challenge to the rule of law.

The community has also formally opposed any further subdivision of the school land in correspondence to the Ministry of Education, urging the police camp to relocate to another area to allow for better learning conditions and future expansion of the institution.

Whether the court orders will ultimately be enforced or the community will face further attempts to alter the status of the land remains to be seen, but parents, teachers and students maintain that they will continue defending the school and its land.

The unfolding dispute over Kirimancuma Primary School land has also recently featured on vernacular television station Weru TV, with a feature capturing the raw emotions of the community as residents continue to fight for the preservation of the school land.

A storm is brewing behind the polished storefronts of Lorenzo Group Kenya, one of Nairobi's most visible premium garment care networks, where employees are now speaking out against what they describe as a deeply oppressive and dehumanising work environment at its Kamiti Two facility.

The company, which operates under the umbrella of Lorenzo Group and runs a chain of high-end dry cleaning outlets including Lorenzo Drycleaners, Vogue Drycleaners, Mamafua Laundry, and Dr Sportless, has built a reputation for luxury fabric care and convenience, but workers say the glittering brand image masks a culture of exploitation, intimidation, and systematic denial of basic employment rights.

The grievances centre on a workplace where employees are subjected to daily public scrutiny, arbitrary punishments, delayed salaries, and a management structure that workers say is defined by arrogance and a complete disregard for labour laws.

According to employees who spoke to this publication on condition of anonymity, the situation has become untenable, with many living in constant fear of being moved to distant locations without warning, denied their rightful pay, or dismissed without receiving their dues.

The complaints have been building for years, but employees say they have now reached a breaking point, prompting this exposé.

Salaries Delayed and Paid in Portions ¶

One of the most persistent grievances raised by workers at Lorenzo Group concerns the irregular and untimely disbursement of salaries.

Employees report that wages are consistently paid late and in portions, creating financial instability for workers who depend on timely payments to meet their daily obligations.

The situation is made worse by the fact that all employees are under the same bank account, meaning delays affect the entire workforce uniformly, yet no one from the relevant departments appears to take responsibility or address the root cause of the problem.

The accounts department, led by Jacklin Rotich, has been singled out by workers for failing to ensure timely salary processing, while the General Manager, Grace Mwambeo, has been accused of showing little concern for the welfare of employees and becoming increasingly irresponsible in the discharge of her duties.

The Human Resources department, headed by Faith Mbai, has also come under fire, with workers describing her as tribalistic and dismissive of employee concerns.

When workers attempt to raise complaints about salary delays or other issues, they are often met with hostility or told that the company has no shortage of qualified candidates, including people with master's degrees, who are willing to do their jobs for half the salary.

Public Humiliation and Disciplinary Measures ¶

Each morning, employees are required to attend a meeting where their performance from the previous day is publicly reviewed.

Workers say these sessions are not constructive but are instead used as a tool for intimidation and humiliation, with each member forced to explain what they did or failed to do the previous day.

Those who fall short of the daily targets, which workers say are often increased arbitrarily, are subjected to disciplinary measures that include being reshuffled to distant locations, a punishment that employees describe as one of the most devastating tools the company uses to assert control.

One employee recalled a scenario where a worker residing in Kawangware was suddenly posted to Kitengela or Greenpark, a move that would add hours to their daily commute and upend their family life.

Faith Mbai, the HR manager, is said to have told employees that she would keep rotating them until they could no longer bear it, a statement that workers say reflects the company's complete disregard for employee welfare.

The constant threat of being transferred to a far-flung location without any input or consideration is one of the most feared consequences of failing to meet the ever-increasing targets.

Employment Contracts, Salary Advances, and Dismissals ¶

Workers have also raised concerns about the company's employment practices, noting that before being enrolled, employees are required to open an account with a specific banking institution, a move they say is designed to benefit the company through interest gained on salary advances.

Employees say the company pushes workers to take salary advances, which they argue is a scheme that enriches the company at the expense of employees who are already struggling to make ends meet.

The arrangement has left many workers feeling trapped, with the company seemingly profiting from their financial struggles.

When an employee's contract ends or they are dismissed, workers say the real suffering begins, with many describing the process as a merry-go-round that leaves former employees waiting indefinitely for their dues.

According to workers, there are former employees who left over a year ago and have yet to receive their final payments, a situation that employees say is emblematic of the company's callous disregard for the wellbeing of its workforce.

Holidays, Leaves, and Working Conditions ¶

Workers also report that the company does not respect public holidays or employee leave entitlements, with staff required to work even during national strikes and demonstrations.

Those who fail to report for duty are issued warning letters that could lead to dismissal, leaving employees with no choice but to comply.

Employees are not provided with breakfast or lunch, and workers say they are also not allowed to bring their own meals, with management claiming they have too much work to do.

The company operates with a replacement mentality, workers say, where employees are told they are replaceable regardless of their performance, a statement that creates an atmosphere of fear and insecurity among the staff.

The constant pressure to perform, coupled with the threat of being replaced at any moment, has created a workplace where employees feel disposable and undervalued.

Workers say the arrogance displayed by management is unmatched, and the culture of fear and intimidation has made it impossible for anyone to speak up without fearing for their job.

The Structure Behind the Brand ¶

Lorenzo Group Kenya is a prominent private investment company headquartered at the Lorenzo Group Centre on Tigoni Road in Kilimani, Nairobi, having been founded in 2013 as a private investment vehicle that allocates capital toward highly sustainable and tech-forward industries.

The group splits its long-term investment capital across three key divisions, with retail and consumer services serving as its flagship division, operating Kenya's largest premium garment care network, alongside commercial real estate development and digital technology investments.

The retail arm, operating under the legal name Lorenzo Drycleaners Ltd, serves as the core consumer engine of the group, with a network that has grown from 17 branches to more than 30 strategic locations and pick-up hubs across Nairobi's elite shopping centers.

The company's branches include flagship locations at Adlife Plaza in Kilimani, Village Market in Gigiri, The Waterfront in Karen, and Westgate Shopping Mall in Westlands, with extended operating hours that cater to Nairobi's high-end clientele.

However, for the employees working at the Kamiti Two facility and other locations, the glamour of the brand and the comfort of its elite customers stand in stark contrast to the daily reality they face.

Workers Call for Government Intervention ¶

Workers say the company that presents itself as a leader in premium fabric care has failed to extend the same level of care and professionalism to its own workforce, and they are now calling on the relevant authorities, including the Ministry of Labour and Social Protection, the National Employment Authority, the Salaries and Remuneration Commission, and the parliamentary committees responsible for labour oversight, to step in and investigate the exploitation that has become deeply entrenched in the company's operations.

The employees are demanding accountability, fair treatment, and respect for their rights, and they hope that by bringing these issues to the public's attention, the company will finally be compelled to change its ways.

The workers are urging the Ministry of Labour to conduct an independent audit of the company's employment practices, including salary disbursement, contract management, and compliance with labour laws.

They are also calling on the National Employment Authority to examine the recruitment processes and ensure that all employees are treated fairly and without discrimination.

The employees further appeal to the Salaries and Remuneration Commission to review the wage structures at Lorenzo Group and determine whether the pay and benefits meet the standards set for similar roles in the industry.

The workers have also expressed hope that the parliamentary committees on labour and social welfare will take up the matter and compel the company's management to appear before them to answer for the grievances raised.

They believe that parliamentary oversight would bring much-needed transparency to the company's operations and pressure management to address the systemic issues that have plagued the workforce for years.

The employees remain hopeful that the relevant authorities will act swiftly and decisively, as the situation has become untenable and many workers are on the brink of giving up.

They say they have been silenced for too long, and they are now counting on the government and the public to stand with them in their fight for justice.

Below is the full testimony from a source with direct knowledge of the working conditions at Lorenzo Group's Kamiti Two facility, detailing the systematic denial of employment rights.

"Good afternoon Nyakundi. Hide my identity. Help me expose this group of companies under Lorenzo Group with the following subsidiaries: Lorenzo Drycleaners, Vogue Drycleaners, Mamafua Laundry, and lastly Dr Sportless. My sister works here, and the working environment is messy and not friendly at all, such that I would not refer or recommend anyone to go look for work there. It is located in Kamiti Two. Employees are denied their employment rights and freedom, whereby when you try to complain, the General Manager, Grace Mwambeo, will confidently tell you that they have people with master's degrees who are looking for the work you do and would be paid half the salary they pay current employees. All departments, including Logistics, Customer Service, and the Home Cleaning team, are under pressure.

(1) SALARY DISBURSEMENT

Salaries are paid late and in portions, considering all employees are under the same bank account. When it reaches the 5th of every month, no one from the relevant departments—Accounts, led by Jacklin Rotich, the General Manager who is becoming increasingly irresponsible in her duties, and lastly HR, who is none other than a tribalistic person, Faith Mbai—takes responsibility.

Each and every morning, they conduct meetings where each member is publicly required to disclose what they did or failed to do the previous day. Failure to hit the daily increased targets results in disciplinary measures, including reshuffling, which is the most severe punishment the company can impose on an employee. For example, if you reside in Kawangware, you may be posted to Kitengela or Greenpark, and Faith Mbai will confidently tell you, "Nitakuzungusha hadi hutaamini."

(2) EMPLOYMENT

Before you are enrolled in the company, you are required to open an account with a specific banking firm, through which one can apply for a salary advance. This arrangement benefits the company more, as it gains interest from employees.

(3) END OF CONTRACT OR DISMISSAL

When your contract ends or you are dismissed, that is where the suffering begins. It is a merry-go-round here; you may die without receiving your dues. It is evident that some former employees who left a year ago have still not been paid to date. The arrogance in this company is unmatched.

(4) HOLIDAYS, OFF DAYS, AND LEAVES

Even when the country is under massive strikes and demonstrations, you are required to work at Lorenzo whether you like it or not. Failure to report for duty results in a warning letter that could lead to dismissal. Employees work on public holidays, and when they ask for compensation, the response is that the company has fewer workers, yet they employ people daily from Monday to Friday. No breakfast or lunch is provided, and employees are also not allowed to bring their own meals, with management claiming they have too much work to do. Employees are told that they are replaceable regardless of their performance."

A former Deputy Director of Audit at the Office of the Auditor General has been charged with allegedly using a forged university degree to secure employment and rise through the ranks of one of Kenya’s key public oversight institutions.

Hannah Wambui Mwaura, also known as Anna Wambui Mwaura, is accused of presenting a Bachelor of Commerce degree purportedly issued by Mount Kenya University to qualify for an audit management position, despite investigations indicating that she had not graduated from the institution when she submitted the certificate.

The Ethics and Anti-Corruption Commission (EACC) arrested Mwaura on August 4, 2026, as investigators closed in on allegations that a questionable academic qualification helped open the door to a public-sector career that eventually saw her appointed to the senior position of Deputy Director-Audit.

The case has now placed renewed scrutiny on how government agencies verify academic credentials before hiring and promoting officials.

Degree Certificate at Centre of Investigation ¶

According to the EACC investigation, the controversy dates back to recruitment conducted by the Office of the Auditor General in 2013.

In July that year, the office advertised the position of Assistant Manager–Audit, setting out a range of academic and professional requirements for prospective applicants.

Among the requirements was a Bachelor's degree from a recognised university, a Master's degree in Business Administration or a related field, at least eight years' experience in auditing and relevant professional accounting qualifications.

Investigators allege that Mwaura submitted a Bachelor of Commerce degree certificate in Accounting, bearing a Second Class Honours (Upper Division), which purportedly showed that she had graduated from Mount Kenya University on August 20, 2010.

The certificate allegedly became a key document supporting her application. However, the EACC says subsequent investigations established a major discrepancy in the timeline.

Investigators found that Mwaura was still a student at Mount Kenya University pursuing the same Bachelor of Commerce programme at the time she allegedly presented the certificate during the recruitment process.

In other words, the commission's case is that the qualification presented as proof of a completed university degree was allegedly obtained before she had actually graduated.

That finding forms the centrepiece of the prosecution's case.

From Recruitment to Deputy Director ¶

The alleged academic irregularity did not end with employment. According to the EACC, Mwaura's qualification subsequently contributed to her career progression within the Office of the Auditor General, eventually leading to her promotion to Deputy Director-Audit.

The commission estimates that she received KSh28,468,754.14 in salaries between February 3, 2013, and May 23, 2024.

The figure represents more than a decade of public-sector remuneration that investigators now allege was obtained through fraudulent academic credentials.

The EACC is seeking to recover the money and associated benefits through civil proceedings. The case therefore goes beyond the question of whether an academic certificate was forged.

It raises a broader issue about the financial consequences of allegedly securing public employment or promotion through qualifications that did not meet the stated recruitment requirements.

If the allegations are ultimately proved in court, the case could expose weaknesses in the verification systems used by public institutions when recruiting senior officials.

EACC Investigation Uncovers Alleged Discrepancy ¶

The EACC began investigating the matter after concerns emerged over the authenticity of the academic qualification.

Investigators examined the circumstances surrounding Mwaura's recruitment and the academic documents allegedly used to support her application.

The commission subsequently concluded that there was sufficient evidence to forward the investigation file to the Director of Public Prosecutions (DPP).

The DPP approved four charges against Mwaura: forgery, uttering a false document, deceiving a principal and fraudulent acquisition of public property.

The charges reflect different aspects of the alleged scheme, including the production and use of the disputed document and the alleged financial benefit derived from it.

Mwaura was initially booked at the Integrity Centre Police Station after her arrest and released on KSh100,000 police cash bail pending her court appearance. She was later arraigned before the Milimani Anti-Corruption Court, where she denied all the charges.

The court released her on KSh450,000 cash bail or a KSh1 million bond accompanied by a surety of a similar amount.

The case will now proceed through the criminal justice system, where prosecutors will be required to prove the allegations against her.

Public Funds at the Heart of Case ¶

At the centre of the prosecution is the alleged loss to the public purse. The EACC maintains that Mwaura unlawfully earned KSh28.47 million in salaries over a period stretching from 2013 to 2024.

That period covers approximately 11 years of employment and progression within the public sector.

The commission has announced plans to institute separate civil proceedings seeking recovery of the salaries and benefits it considers to have been obtained through the alleged fraudulent academic qualification.

Such recovery proceedings could become a significant component of the case because they seek to determine whether public funds paid during the period can be reclaimed.

The allegations also raise questions about whether other officials were involved in approving, verifying or relying on the disputed qualification during recruitment and subsequent promotions.

The EACC's investigation, however, has so far focused on the former Deputy Director-Audit.

EACC Issues Warning to Government Agencies ¶

The commission has used the case to issue a wider warning to government institutions over the verification of academic and professional credentials.

EACC is urging Ministries, Departments and Agencies, as well as county governments, to strengthen checks on certificates presented by applicants and serving officials.

The warning is particularly significant in recruitment and promotion processes involving positions funded by taxpayers.

A failure to verify qualifications, investigators warn, can create a chain of consequences: an unqualified person may secure employment, rise through an institution and receive substantial public remuneration before questions over their credentials are finally raised.

The case also places pressure on public institutions to demonstrate that credential verification is not merely a procedural requirement but a substantive safeguard against fraud.

For an institution tasked with auditing government expenditure, the allegations involving a former senior audit official carry an added institutional significance.

The Office of the Auditor General plays a central role in scrutinising the use of public resources. The prosecution therefore places the spotlight not only on the accused but also on the systems that allowed the alleged qualification to pass through recruitment and promotion processes.

As Mwaura faces the four corruption-related charges, the criminal case will determine whether the allegations are proven beyond the required legal threshold.

For now, she remains presumed innocent unless and until a court determines otherwise.

But the KSh28.47 million salary claim has already transformed what might otherwise have been an academic credential dispute into a major public accountability case—one that could expose serious gaps in how Kenya verifies the qualifications of people entrusted with public office.

Former Chesikaki Councillor and Mt Elgon parliamentary aspirant Nathan Wasama Masai has reportedly been shot dead by unknown assailants at his home in Tuikut, Cheptais, Bungoma County.

Wasama was allegedly attacked at his residence on Thursday night, with the assailants reportedly shooting him before fleeing the scene. He sustained multiple gunshot injuries and was later reported dead.

The circumstances surrounding the killing remain unclear, with police yet to officially confirm details of the attack or disclose whether any suspects have been arrested.

The incident comes only weeks after Wasama publicly declared his intention to contest the Mt Elgon parliamentary seat in the 2027 General Election, raising questions over whether his political ambitions could have been linked to the attack.

Wasama Had Survived Earlier Shooting ¶

The latest incident was reportedly the second attempt on Wasama's life in two years.

In 2024, gunmen attacked him in the Kapcheshari area, with several bullets striking the rear section of his vehicle.

The attack occurred at around 7pm, but Wasama escaped without sustaining injuries. His latest killing has therefore heightened concerns over the safety of political aspirants and public figures in the region as Kenya approaches the 2027 General Election.

Leaders Mourn Mt Elgon Aspirant ¶

Wasama was also known beyond politics as a businessman, philanthropist and active member of the Seventh-day Adventist (SDA) Church.

His death has triggered shock among leaders and residents in Mt Elgon, with calls growing for authorities to establish the circumstances behind the shooting and bring those responsible to justice.

Kimilili MP Didmus Barasa was among the first leaders to mourn Wasama, condemning the killing as a senseless act of violence.

Barasa urged the Directorate of Criminal Investigations (DCI) to launch a swift and impartial investigation into the circumstances surrounding the death.

He also sent condolences to Wasama's family, friends, the people of Mt Elgon and members of the SDA Church.

DCI Faces Pressure to Unravel Killing ¶

The killing now places pressure on security agencies to determine who carried out the attack, how the assailants accessed Wasama's residence and whether the incident was linked to his political activities, business interests or other personal disputes.

Investigators will also face questions over the earlier 2024 shooting, particularly whether the two incidents could be connected.

The absence of an official police account has left several details surrounding the latest attack unconfirmed.

At the time of publication, the National Police Service (NPS) and DCI had not issued an official statement confirming the fatal shooting or announced arrests.

Wasama's death comes at a time when political activity is gradually intensifying ahead of the 2027 polls, with aspiring candidates increasingly positioning themselves for elective seats across the country.

The investigation will now be closely watched by residents of Mt Elgon as authorities come under pressure to establish the motive behind the killing and identify those responsible.

The Kenya Union of Savings and Credit Co-operatives (KUSCCO) has suffered another major setback after the Co-operative Tribunal ordered it to refund nearly Ksh489 million to Mhasibu DT Sacco.

The decision comes as the troubled cooperative umbrella body battles mounting lawsuits, criminal investigations and sweeping reforms following the exposure of one of Kenya's biggest financial scandals.

The ruling not only strengthens Mhasibu Sacco's quest to recover members' savings but also opens the door for dozens of other affected Saccos seeking billions of shillings tied up at KUSCCO.

Tribunal Orders KUSCCO to Refund Mhasibu Sacco Nearly Ksh489 Million ¶

The Co-operative Tribunal has directed KUSCCO to refund approximately Ksh489 million to Mhasibu DT Sacco after finding that the organisation remained legally bound to honour a matured fixed deposit despite its ongoing financial crisis.

The ruling marks another significant legal defeat for KUSCCO, which has been at the centre of investigations into alleged fraud, governance failures and financial mismanagement that exposed billions of shillings belonging to member Saccos.

According to tribunal proceedings, the dispute arose after Mhasibu DT Sacco invested hundreds of millions of shillings with KUSCCO under a fixed deposit arrangement that matured without repayment.

The tribunal ruled that contractual obligations cannot simply be suspended because an institution is experiencing liquidity challenges or undergoing restructuring. Instead, it held that depositors retain the legal right to recover their investments once contractual terms have been fulfilled.

The decision is expected to influence other pending recovery claims involving cooperative societies whose funds remain trapped at KUSCCO.

Investment Matured More Than Two Years Ago ¶

Tribunal records show that Mhasibu DT Sacco invested about Ksh450.1 million with KUSCCO in July 2023 under a fixed deposit earning an annual interest rate of 13.5 percent.

The investment matured in January 2024.

By the time the matter reached the tribunal, the total amount due, including accrued interest, had exceeded Ksh480 million.

Mhasibu Sacco also sought the release of more than Ksh11 million held in its Jungu Kuu savings account, pushing the total award to approximately Ksh489 million.

Court documents indicate that the Sacco repeatedly requested payment after the investment matured, but KUSCCO failed to release the funds.

During the proceedings, KUSCCO acknowledged the debt but argued that the delay resulted from the financial difficulties that have affected its operations over the past two years.

The tribunal rejected that argument, finding that financial distress alone could not extinguish contractual obligations owed to depositors.

Ruling Raises Stakes for KUSCCO and Cooperative Sector ¶

The judgment could have far-reaching implications for Kenya's cooperative movement. Several Saccos have already disclosed significant financial exposure to KUSCCO following the forensic audit that uncovered widespread financial irregularities within the institution.

Legal experts believe the ruling may encourage more cooperative societies to pursue tribunal proceedings to recover members' funds.

The cooperative sector remains one of Kenya's most important financial pillars, mobilising savings from millions of members while providing affordable credit to households, professionals, farmers and small businesses.

According to the State Department for Cooperatives, the Sacco movement continues to play a central role in expanding financial inclusion and supporting economic growth.

The KUSCCO crisis has therefore attracted close attention from regulators and policymakers seeking to restore public confidence in the sector.

The Ministry of Co-operatives and MSMEs Development previously appointed an interim board to steer reforms after forensic investigations exposed extensive governance failures and suspected financial misconduct.

At the same time, the Sacco Societies Regulatory Authority (SASRA) has urged deposit-taking Saccos to strengthen risk management, diversify investments and enhance governance standards to protect members' savings against concentration risks.

The regulator has also advised Saccos to maintain prudent financial reporting and make adequate provisions where investments face elevated credit risk.

Meanwhile, criminal investigations into the KUSCCO scandal continue, with former officials facing court proceedings over alleged financial misconduct linked to billions of shillings in losses.

For Mhasibu DT Sacco, the tribunal decision represents a major legal victory after a lengthy effort to recover members' money.

For KUSCCO, however, the ruling adds another significant financial obligation at a time when the organisation is already struggling to rebuild its credibility, restore liquidity and reassure member institutions that their investments remain protected.

The case also reinforces an important legal principle within Kenya's cooperative sector: institutions entrusted with members' savings remain accountable for their contractual obligations, regardless of the financial challenges they face.

The Independent Policing Oversight Authority (IPOA) has taken over investigations into the death of 19-year-old Erick Otieno, who died shortly after being released from detention at Muthaiga Police Station.

The National Police Service (NPS) confirmed the development after the Directorate of Criminal Investigations (DCI) initiated preliminary inquiries into the incident, which has sparked fresh scrutiny over the treatment of suspects in police custody.

IPOA assumes probe as questions mount

In a statement issued on Wednesday, August 5, NPS spokesperson Muchiri Nyaga confirmed that detectives had begun investigating the circumstances surrounding Otieno's death before the matter was formally handed over to IPOA.

"Upon receiving the report of his passing, the Directorate of Criminal Investigations promptly initiated inquiries to establish the full circumstances surrounding this tragic incident. The investigations have now been taken over by the Independent Policing Oversight Authority," Muchiri said.

The 19-year-old boda boda rider from Mathare was arrested on Sunday, August 2, and later taken to Mama Margaret Uhuru Hospital after being released from police custody, where he was pronounced dead, according to his family.

Family alleges assault as post-mortem reveals cause of death

Otieno's family has accused police officers of assaulting him while he was in custody, further alleging that officers ignored his complaints of injuries and declined to release him promptly to seek medical treatment.

The National Police Service has not publicly responded to the family's allegations.

A post-mortem examination conducted on Tuesday, August 4, established that the teenager died from internal bleeding.

The findings are expected to form a key part of IPOA's investigation as the independent oversight body seeks to establish the events leading to Erick Otieno's death and determine whether any criminal or disciplinary action is warranted.