Mr. Philip Neranto Tipaa, Education Chief Officer

A Narok County resident (words in bold) has written to nyakundireport.com about one County Education Chief officer Philip Neranto Tipaa.

In Kenya, most looters of public coffers often join politics to protect their ill-gotten wealth. This is the direction Ole Tipaa intends to take.

Hello Cyprian, Philip Neranto Tipaa has declared his interest for Kilgoris Constituency parliamentary seat. He's still siphoning money from Narok County coffers. Being the Narok County governor closest friend and partner in crime, they're still milking this county dry. He's dishing out money to the electorate to earn their support. His source of money, being the county education CO is questionable. I invite you to dig deep and investigate his source of money. Yap, the source of his money as exposed in the past is:

The Chief Officer (CO) for Education in Narok County Government Mr. Philip Neranto Tipaa was appointed to office a few years ago and in those few years earning less that Ksh200k per month, the man now owns half of Trans Mara Sub County. He runs Lolgorian ward like his own home.

It is alleged that Mr. Neranto owns flats and buildings carefully spread across Narok county.

The former headteacher of Ilkarian Primary School has learnt the art of creative accounting in the education ministry under his charge that has seen him embezzled millions from the county coffers.

A source working at the county government of Narok told nyakundireport.com that Mr. Neranto’s fortunes have risen tenfold since he came into office in 2016.

Apart from buildings, the Maasai moran is said to be the owner of cows, cars and tracts of lands.

“He is putting up buildings at Lolgorian town like nobody’s business. He’s also buying high breed cattle and shambas so easily. He’s governor’s closest ally and probably knows his bank account passwords. He also bought a Toyota Hilux double cabin that roughly costs 6 million’, said the source on condition of anonymity.

It is also alleged that the Chief Officer has firms that do works for the county, that are owned through proxies. This is conflict of interest.

Apart from the assets mentioned above that the source stated are owned by Mr. Philip Neranto Tipaa, the buildings Neat Mara Guest House and Neat Mara Hotel, nyakundireport.com has learnt, are allegedly owned by him. He together with Dikirr aka Tall have both declared interest for the same seat. Tall was former PA to the current MP Konchella and former CDF chairman. His hands are equally dirty. He squandered CDF money during his tenure. A lot of ghost projects and embezzlement have been witnessed. Tall is son in law to Gideon Konchella and nephew to the current Kimintet MCA Kuya Ole Kijape. About Ole Kijape:

https://nyakundireport.com/kaps-scandal-and-narok-county-capture-by-powerful-mca-kuyo-ole-kijape/ Bruising battle, tribes matter Kijape supports Tall while Governor Samuel Tunai supports his friend and classmate Philip Tipaa who both attended Ang'ata Barrikoi Secondary school.

Other candidates are Shadrach Olong'ui Sabaya (a high school teacher) and Wilson Kipeno all from the Siria sub tribe of the Maasai community. The same sub-tribe that Governor Tunai comes from.

Konchella who is from Wuasinkishu subtribe and the incumbent is planning to defend his seat while former MP Julius Sunkuli from Moitanik is also planning a come back.

https://nyakundireport.com/dci-eacc-on-the-trail-of-narok-county-official-with-unexplained-wealth/

The battle to meet members of Akorino church at Kasarani today has revealed the competition between President Uhuru Kenyatta and his deputy, William Ruto to control the church in the run-up to 2022 polls.

The meeting turned to be subject of conflict between the schedules of the two leaders.

DP Ruto had plans to meet the leaders of  Akorino church but that programme was flipped after President Kenyatta chose to meet the same group.

The sect then cancelled Ruto's meeting which was planned to coincide with President Kenyatta’s trip to the Coast.

Akorino's secretary Abraham Macharia confirmed that Ruto's meeting was cancelled because the they chose to pray for the president at Kasarani on Sunday [today].

“The Deputy President's meeting has been rescheduled to some other day this year. He had requested to meet us. Today, we will have 500 of our clergy pray for the president in our Akorino National Prayer Service,” said Macharia.

Ruto pressman Emmanuel Tallam also confirmed that the DP will boycott the Kasarani meeting and attend function at Ziwani AIC instead.

The drama around the religious events have exposed the role the church plays in the country’s politics. p/courtesy. Ruto has been shining in church politics for a minute but his opponents are waking up now since they know he rallied the church in opposing the passing of the Constitution in 2010.

Building Bridges Initiative (BBI) drummers are trying to stop him from employing the strategy that can spoil their party.

In 2010, Ruto lured Evangelicals and Anglicans, to oppose a referendum that was pushed by former President Mwai Kibaki and ODM leader Raila Odinga.

Ruto is finding himself in the same position since his Tangatanga outfit is opposing BBI campaigns as they keep hoping from church to church.

His Karen residence hosted leaders of the East Africa Pentecostal Church from Meru, Tharaka Nithi, Embu, Nairobi, Isiolo counties and a group of Muslim women leaders on the same day in June.

The DP is always telling off politicians who criticise his church activities to mind their own businesses.

The church drama comes a day after Nandi Hills Mp Hon. Alfred Keter accused the PD and his allies of pretending to be politicians to ascend to top leadership.

“I have seen there are many politicians loitering around churches. Every Sunday you are in a different church; Jeshi la Wokovu, the other week you are with the Muslims, the other one you are with the Hindus. We have different doctrines... If you are a Catholic, remain a Catholic that is your faith,” Keter said.

[ad_1] Divisions have erupted among Kuria community in Migori county following a meeting held on December 18 2019 at Kiikalloh Grand Resort in Machakos county. A section from the community claim, the organisers sidelined them from the talks on grounds that they belonged to a different camp in Uhuru Kenyatta succession 2022. Machage The meeting was aimed at planning the political future of the community and push for their own county in BBI referendum.Fear within the community is that they have been overtaken by the Luo population and will play second fiddle politically for years to come. The meeting in Machakos was sponsored by deputy president William Ruto using his allies Kuria East legislator Marwa Kitayama, former Migori senator and envoy to Nigeria Wilfred Machage, 20 local leaders including MCAs and professionals.Ruto enjoys support in the region going by the number of parliamentary seats Jubilee grabbed in the region. ODM to win the community support has been dangling the position of deputy governor currently held by Nelson Marwa who is second to Governor Okoth Obando.Reports indicate that to win the community support and to counter the Ruto wave, ODM leader wants Migori governorship rotational.With Obando doing his last term, the Kuria community should produce the next governor with the Luo deputy. The county also has a substantial Luhya migrant vote. Marwa The move will counter the Kuria claims that devolution has failed to cure marginalisation of minority populations and push for a Kuria county. To push for Kuria county, talk is rife among the leaders that the community population stands at 308,000 going by the 2019 census. It is thus far much more than the counties of Lamu, Tharaka Nithi, Marsabit and Taita Taveta counties. Politicians James Chacha a former mayor, Maneno Mwikwabe, Matiko Bohoko are among those pushing for Kuria county after it emerged, of the 10 executive positions in Migori, only two are occupied by the Kuria community. [ad_2] Source link

[ad_1] By BAYA SAMUEL More by this Author Former Subukia parliamentarian Koigi wa Wamwere has urged President Uhuru Kenyatta, former Prime Minister Raila Odinga and Deputy President William Ruto to retire from active politics in 2022. This, the veteran politician said, will give room for a younger, more creative crop of leaders to emerge and take charge of the country. He said the three leaders have nothing new to offer to Kenyans and that having them in power means that the country will continue to do the same things that were done in the Kenyatta, Moi and Kibaki regimes. “These people keep on telling us that they will address the issues affecting Kenyans in every election. But they are doing the same things that were done by Mzee Jomo Kenyatta, continued by Daniel Moi and repeated by Mwai Kibaki. It is the same things that Uhuru is doing and, at this pace, Kenya will remain stagnant. We need a new crop of leadership which is focused on changing this country,” said Mr Wamwere. He also termed the Building Bridges Initiative (BBI) an elaborate ploy by Mr Kenyatta and Mr Odinga to continue in leadership roles and cautioned Kenyans to be wary of such initiatives. “That BBI thing does not have a nationalism aspect in it and, if you study it clearly, then you get the reality that it is just a creation of two people, each with the hope of extending their leadership. There is nothing new in that document because the challenges Kenyans face have remained the same. Therefore, Kenyans must tread with caution when these leaders claim that the document belongs to Kenyans; it is not,” said Mr Wamwere. Advertisement window.fbAsyncInit=function(){FB.init({appId:'174023979648743',xfbml:!0,version:'v2.5'})};(function(d,s,id){var js,fjs=d.getElementsByTagName(s)[0];if(d.getElementById(id)){return}js=d.createElement(s);js.id=id;js.src="https://connect.facebook.net/en_US/sdk.js";fjs.parentNode.insertBefore(js,fjs)}(document,'script','facebook-jssdk'));

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Evangelist Ruto crying in church during a previous occasion. Deputy President William Ruto today announced his intention to return to evangelism once his political career comes to an end.

While speaking at the second Refreshing The Shepherd conference inside the Kasarani Stadium gymnasium, Ruto said that he had already informed his “spiritual fathers” that once he is done with what he is doing at the moment he will go back to being an evangelist that he was.

Adding that he makes sure he doesn't forget too many things since he'll need them down the road once he makes his return to spreading the Lord's gospel.

Here is the video below courtesy of Nation.

A social media user going by the name Nelly Bosire has torn into Nairobi governor Mike Sonko's Populist politics & Theatrics. She was reacting to news that 12 bodies of infants had been found in polythene papers at the Pumwani hospital.

The social media user, lamented that Pumwani hospital was ''Once more'' facing public mobbing by its own governor and media without facts

"One more time Pumwani hospital faces public mobbing, led by it's very own governor???. He suspends his foot soldiers instead of his 'advisors'. What happened to facts? The press has joined in the lynching"

Here is the threaded analysis by the social media user.

"Pumwani has no morgue. Never has. All bodies of deceased Mothers, newborns and stillbirths are collected by the city mortuary morticians in the morning. Before, this happened daily, nowadays it happens Mondays, Wednesdays and Fridays."

"For little angels who pass on before birth or in the new born units due to complications, the families have the option of taking them to bury or they can give them up and the hospital then has them buried. This happens in both public and private sector, permissible by law."

"There are no body bags to keep the deceased in before transfer to the morgue. Hospital staff have to make do with what's available. Carton boxes and plastic disposal bags are the most available temporary storage for these little angels."

"Every deceased person, irrespective of age, is registered in the death notification register provided by the registrar of persons (births and deaths). Each of these little ones is moved to city mortuary with an attached notification. They are not just statistics."

"Pumwani has accounted for 6 deaths in the period between Friday 14th to Sunday 16th. Only 6 deaths are listed. This number is against 156 deliveries conducted in the said period. Being a referral hospital receiving complicated cases, this is not uncommon."

"But did Sonko bother to find out this? Nope. He chose to call it sinister because he did not understand it. He proceeded to suspend the team without investigation."

"Healthcare in Kenya is in the dumps right now. It is decisions like this that bury it further. Nairobi's scorecard is not looking good. Then again, how can it when top leadership prefers to rule in this manner? Populist actions won't stop babies from dying." 1. One more time Pumwani hospital faces public mobbing, led by it's very own governor???. He suspends his foot soldiers instead of his 'advisors'. What happened to facts? The press has joined in the lynching @KTNNews @ntvkenya @KTNKenya — Nelly Bosire (@Starlight_Bo) September 17, 2018

Independent Elections and Boundaries Commission has set August 8 2017 as the date when Kenyans will go back to the polls to elect their new leaders or re-elect the current ones for another five-year mandate in line with the provisions of the constitution. As the countdown to the polls begins in earnest the Luhya Nation remains fractiously divided. This community has a perennial history of approaching every election in different and small political pieces. This has undermined its chances of producing and rallying behind a single presidential candidate to win or directly influence the election outcome in the country. The community has only 12 months to put its house in order and key players in region politics are already scheming on how to control the vote bloc. Cotu secretary general Francis Atwoli recently according to sources hosted over 20 Luhya MPs at his new magnificent Kajiado home which has a five-star hotel where they discussed community issues for hours. According to a source, the chairman of Luhya parliamentary group John Bunyasi, the Nambale legislator was present. An MP who attended the talks told us that many were of the opinion that Atwoli be given the mandate to unite the community. This will not be the first time Atwoli will be engaged. Prior to the 2013 general election, Atwoli sponsored unity talks between Musalia Mudavadi, Moses Wetangula, Cyrus Jirongo and Eugene Wamalwa in Maasai Mara to agree on one candidate. Stakeholders want Atwoli to be supported as the umpire to bring together all the Luhya leaders and help chart a unifying course that will rally the people of Mulembe behind a single candidate with a national appeal in one of the coalitions. Atwoli is seen as both capable and neutral. He is a respected elder in the community and he is not seeking any elective or political seat at the moment. He is also a fundraiser who can marshal resources to fund a well structured unity dialogue starting from the top downwards. Currently, there are a number of Luhya leaders angling to contest the presidency. Among them are Ford-K party leader and Bungoma senator Wetangula, ANC leader Musalia Mudavadi and his UDP counterpart Jirongo. Analysts say a formula need to be quickly worked out to pick one torch-bearer from the above leaders. Atwoli at the function is said to have opined that only a single presidential candidate from the Luhya Nation can create an impact on the national political scene. Anything short of that is betrayal of our people. Immediately Atwoli hosted the MPs deputy president William Ruto had a delegation of a section of the community at his Sugoi home in Uasin Gishu. Many of them were of New Ford Kenya. Ruto took issue of Luhyas being beggars and need to join Jubilee. Chaos erupted when the DP gave a donation of Sh1.5 million to be shared among the visitors. URP secretary general Fred Muteti had his trousers torn as those invited fought over the money. When Ruto visited the region for Butsotso cultural fete, he came face to face with Senator Bonnie Khalwale. Khalwale told Ruto not to depend on political brokers in the region since the community has its own leaders. It has emerged that the DP has been paying sitting MPs allied to him Sh20,000 per week for operations and Jubilee invades the area on a buying spree of its leaders to weaken and divide the region. Navakholo MP Emmanuel Wangwe and Ben Shinali of Ikolomani top the list. Former Shinyalu MP Justus Kizito currently experiencing financial troubles has also joined Jubilee. ANC leader Mudavadi has abandoned him after discovering he Kizito is a liability than an asset. It is also surfacing that Jubilee is targeting the populous Bukusu vote bloc to tilt the political equation come 2017.All its appointment are aimed at the community sidelining other regions. Wetangula has roots in the region and with his fate still within IEBC, it will be interesting to see unfolding scenario. January 20 2016 will of no doubt capture the attention of all Kenyans and political observers across the globe as IEBC commissioners deliver a ruling on the Wetangula’s political fate of the famous “Mundu Khu Mundu” catchphrase which for years has been a common recital amongst keen political observers. This will be a day to capture the important dramatic moment of Wetangula’s political career on whether his name will remain on the ballot or struck off, depending on his defence team that is expected to put forth a gallant effort of proving his innocence hence determine the political re- alignments ahead of 2017 elections which Wetangula has declared to run for presidency. Mudavadi, Jirongo, Khalwale and Atwoli are said to be in talks with Wetangula in case of any eventuality. For now, Ruto is the political enemy of top Luhya politicians and thus has decided to use first time MPs in his bid to infiltrate the region which has failed. The bringing on board of Wamalwa to accompany him in regionao functions despite being a cabinet secretary shows how desperate Jubilee is out to make inroads in the region with less success. The political statements made by Wamalwa contravene the law that as a cabinet secretary, he should not engage in politics. The ailing Mumias Sugar saga, the death of Panpaper, the stalled Kakamega-Webuye road construction works and the construction of Kakamega, Navakholo, Bungoma road which was promised by Ruto are ghosts haunting Jubilee a head of 2017. Wetangula is being accused of voter bribery, a fact that he has vehemently denied. Wetangula’s Western rallies have thrown the region into campaign mood. Foreign visitors will be forgiven for imagining the country is barely months away from the polls when in reality is far from it. Amid this, aspirant governors, senators, MPs and MCAs have thrown spanners in the works emasculated by Wetangula and holding in contempt politicians from the region sympathetic to Jubilee government led by Bungoma governor Kenneth Lusaka. Lusaka promotes Jubilee interests in the region that enjoys the dominance of Cord and has managed to have the government control majority in the assembly. During the rallies that pulled a host of MPs and MCAs from western in tow, Ford Kenya’s 2017 Bungoma county gubernatorial aspirant Wycliffe Wangamati upped the ante on corruption and bad governance from Lusaka’s region faulting Lusaka on Wetangula woes, as it has been alleged by Cord politicians that Lusaka, cabinet secretary Eugene Wamalwa, Noah Wekesa and Musikari Kombo have been making frequent forays to State House to have the state push IEBC to remove Senator Wetangula’s name from the voter register, a move that may see him being barred from contesting any elective post.

Following last week’s announcement of new faces in cabinet by Uhuru Kenyatta, word going round in Narok county is why he dropped two principal secretaries from Narok. The East African Affairs PS John Konchella and his Information counterpart Joseph Tiampati were shown the door under mysterious circumstances. Tiampati is a former general manager with the National Social Security Fund. It is said the move by Uhuru had something to do with 2017 politics. We have information that when Uhuru appointed Tiampati and Konchella his deputy William Ruto was not comfortable with them since the two are his political foes. The two contested the gubernatorial seat in Narok county on a Kanu and Kenya National Congress ticket respectively but lost. They, lost to Ruto’s ally Samuel Tunai. Ruto’s URP and Uhuru’s TNA have been secretly fighting over the control of Maasai politics. In their 2013 election pact, URP claims Narok and Kajiado counties were URP zones but immediately after elections, TNA began making forays in the region through appointments of Maasai politicians to state jobs. As a result of the deal, TNA was not allowed to field candidates in the region which was perceived to be under the control of URP. Interestingly, those Uhuru nominated for various positions are people who contested against Ruto’s preferred candidates in 2017. To clip Ruto’s influence in Maasai politics, Uhuru has been working on a plot that will see him establish his own political network in Maasai politics. Uhuru men are now said to have advised him to penetrate Maasai region and to do this, a number of parastatal jobs went to individuals perceived to be Ruto critics and to counter Ruto’s pointman in the region who is Narok governor Samuel Tunai. To show how determined Uhuru is to make political inroads in the perceived URP’s backyard, he has on several occasions hosted the anti-Tunai forces at State House. To make sorties in Maasai politics, Uhuru appointed former minister Julius Sunkuli and his brother Andrew Sunkuli. Julius was appointed as a member of Industrial and Commercial Development Board while his brother, Andrew, heads to Lake Victoria South Water Services Board. Last week, a section of Maasai elders from Narok county, where both Konchella and Tiampati hail from, protested their sacking arguing they had not been linked to any corruption scandals in their respective dockets. They claimed Tiampati could have been sacked because of his close working relationship with elected leaders from the county who are opposed to the current governor, Samuel Tunai. They saw Tunai’s hand in the sackings given that both Tiampati and Konchella challenged him for the governor’s seat during in 2013. “We are wondering why the Jubilee government is sidelining the Maasai community by sacking our sons,” said former Transport Licensing Board chairman Hassan Kamwaro. Tiampati was sacked hours after he had been endorsed by elders from the Purko clan to challenge Tunai 2017. For now, talk is that Jubilee is favouring the Sunkuli family in appointments just as it has done with the Nyachae family in Kisii politics. Uhuru, however, played it safe by appointing two PSs from the county, including former Ewuaso Ng’iro South Development Authority boss Charles Sunkuli, Environment and Saitoti Torome, Planning and Statistics. Charles Sunkuli is a younger brother of Julius Sunkuli and Andrew Sunkuli, who both contested the Narok senatorial seat but lost to Joseph Ole Ntutu, who is leading the anti-Tunai forces. Andrew is close to Ruto and was associated with the battle of the ownership of the defunct Kenya Times newspaper with the Moi family where Ruto also had a say.

Cabinet secretary for Water and Irrigation, Eugene Wamalwa has not abandoned politics as many may believe but instead, his close allies have revealed that the former New Ford Kenya party leader has devised new ways and tactics of ensuring that his light does not go dim as his grassroots presence continues to be felt. During his vetting, Wamalwa promised to put on hold his political quest saying that he will not vie for any political seat in the next general election but contrary to his promise, he has used a number of public occasions ceremonies to organise his foot soldiers for a battle that he knows. One of the NFK grassroots leaders said that Wamalwa was working with the government not because of his political survival but because he wants to build strong financial muscles and political capital in preparations for 2022 elections where he will go for the presidency. It is believed that Wamalwa has shares in one of the local media houses in Western which controls 90pc of the total audience in the region and he has been using it to advance his political interests and those of his masters in the region. The media house which owns a radio station, a TV channel, an online news portal and a weekly newspaper has been championing the Jubilee agenda since 2013 courtesy of Eugene who has since been pushing for businesses and advertisements from the government that has enabled the media house to grow and swell its coverage in Western and North Rift regions. One of the most politically effective means to manipulate the media house in question was the appointment of its proprietor as an ambassador to a country in Africa thereby compromising the independence of the media and it is believed that its employees have instructions not to air or publish any stories that are favourable to Eugene’s political rivals and opponents. This is according to an insider working at the radio station who disclosed that owing to the partnership that the media house has with the Jubilee government, engineered by Water CS, the appointment of George Masafu as an ambassador to DRC is nothing but a reward for loyalty. And who knows the media house might be scheming for more favours from the government and specifically from Wamalwa. This is evident as most of the advertisements being carried out by the media house brands belong to public institutions like Kenya Seeds Company and IEBC while perceived Eugene’s political rivals get negative publicity from the said media house. It is believed that revenue generated through those advertisements has enabled the media house establish a television channel and further increased its coverage. It is believed that the media house has been creating ground for soft landing of Jubilee in western Kenya, something that has started raising eyebrows among residents with some of them threatening to stop listening to the radio station or read its publications since it has become clear that they have rolled out negative campaigns against politicians affiliated to Cord coalition in the region. It should be understood that the same media house was used last year during the senatorial by-election in Bungoma county where it said that Musikari Kombo was going to win the seat with a landslide contrary to the final results which placed the current area senator Moses Wetang’ula at the top with a huge margin. At the time, Kombo was flying the NFK party flag and was receiving huge support from the Jubilee government, with the area commandant being hosted regularly at the radio station telling residents to wait for celebrations as they had already won the senatorial seat, citing an opinion poll carried out by the same media house which had indicated that Kombo was going to win by at least 89pc of all votes casted. After losing the Bungoma senatorial battle, Eugene using the media house, has started fighting the only Ford Kenya government-Trans Nzoia county government headed by Patrick Khaemba. One of the Wamalwa’s handlers disclosed that NFK had already strategised on how they will capture the county’s gubernatorial seat on understanding that the party has huge support base in both Bungoma and Trans Nzoia counties with an overwhelming majority in Trans Nzoia county assembly which saw the county budget slashed by a huge margin in order to frustrate Khaemba’s development initiatives. He said that plans have already been hatched and they know the person who will fly the party’s flag come 2017 and they are by now campaigning for him as he is not supposed to be in politics. Close associate of now ambassador Masafu, told this writer that Mediamax network, owned by president Uhuru Kenyatta, wanted to buy the radio station but the deal backfired after middlemen, including CS Water set the price too high due to the notion that the son of Jomo had money pouring. However, Weekly Citizen has learned that the appointment of Masafu to be Kenya ambassador to DRC was part of the bargain and the media house is now mandated to air only pro-government stories and politicians affiliated to Jubilee coalition. Evidently, last month in Bungoma county, more than 20 patients died at the county referral hospital owing to lack of drugs and medical staff but as other media houses were covering the predicament of the residents who were not getting quality services at the facility, the procured media house was airing a discussion on the personal life of Khaemba claiming that the county chief was a regular visitor of Uasin Gishu county where his second home is located and that he has not married form the Luhya community and thus not fit to lead the community. Since 2013, the said media house has given Trans Nzoia county coverage blackout, with many of its reporters publicly admitting that they have been given instructions not to cover any politicians from Ford Kenya party be it in Bungoma or Trans Nzoia until their governor in waiting, Eugene Wamalwa, assumes office in 2017. “We are not supposed to air any positive story about Trans Nzoia county government especially governor Khaemba, our governor is coming and we are waiting for him,” he said. Residents have now threatened to sue the media house if it continues discussing personal life of their governor saying that Bungoma people did not vote for him and that they should allow Trans Nzoia people to decide for themselves and chart their own destiny. Last week, residents of Kitalale, Kinyoro and Kisawai demonstrated over poor road network, but surprisingly even though the road is under the national government, the media house went ahead and reported that residents were protesting over poor leadership of Governor Khaemba and that he has failed to repair roads prompting some residents to call-in during a morning radio show telling the presenter to stop lying as they were demonstrating against the area MP’s failure to tarmac the roads and not the county government. Another case is where matatu operators and other businesspersons were demonstrating in Kitale town over a move by certain businessperson to force their way back to area designated for the construction of a modern bus stage. The demonstrators were carrying a coffin with the name of a matatu operator painted on it but the reporter attached to the media house reported that the coffin had the name of Khaemba; a story that was criticised by other journalists. It should also be noted that in early June, during a demonstration ostensibly sponsored by New Ford Kenya operatives in cahoots with contractors where a journalist was injured, the media house reported that Khaemba unleashed terror on journalists beating up four of them yet eye witnesses claimed only one was beaten by demonstrators. Some of them was rushed to court to institute legal proceedings against the county government. Recently, during a funds drive in Kiminini in aid of St Brigids Girls’ High School hosted by area MP Chris Wama lwa and Khaemba, the media house refused to include Khaemba’s name in their reporting and further edited photographs to ensure that the governor did not appear anywhere in their newspaper and the online news portal, a move that astonished even other politicians who attended the function. Some residents of Trans Nzoia have written to the Media Council and the Communication Authority of Kenya complaining about the media house’s conduct and called upon the regulator to investigate ethical and professional conduct of employees of the media house. To rubber stamp the point, during the burial of Ivan Makari son to the secretary general of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development and former Trade minister Mukhisa Kituyi, Eugene was quoted as saying that Luhyas should come together under one umbrella to chart the political future of the community, reiterating the point that nobody can forget his old shoes and that it is high time the community moved from rhetoric to practical actions. Now residents are waiting to see if Eugene’s underground strategy of using media to discredit Khaemba and other FK politicians will work considering that Ford Kenya party leader Moses Wetang’ula has also established a radio station in Bungoma town which is turning out to be balanced in its reporting and it is rapidly attracting a strong audience. Share

What has always been whispered in low tones as to secret wars between Kisii County Governor James Ongwae and his deputy Joash maangi played out in the open last week to the amazement of Kisii residents. Kisii County politics took a dramatic turn last week when when their supporters fought openly. It all started on Sunday last week when there was a road accident at Ogembo involving a lorry, a tractor and a matatu where twio people died. He three top Kisii politicians Senator Chris Obure, Ongwae and Maangi rushed to the scene. As has been his tradition, Ongwae sent his boys to prepare the ground for him fearing that he may be heckled. The first to arrive at the scene was Obure who found the ground very hostile and left without a word. Next was Maangi who braved a hostile section of Ongwae supporters and visited the accident scene in the company of politicians and youths allied to him. As Maangi was leaving, youths known to be allied to Ongwae heckled him and this prompted an exchange between his supporters and Ongwae’s supporters. The three leaders later in the day met at Nyamache Secondary School for a fund raiser where they joined the area MP Stephen Manoti. It was at this meeting that the political differences played out openly. Drama unfolded when Obure arrived and refused to take the seat reserved for him next to Ongwae as has been the tradition but chose to sit one chair away from the Governor allowing Manoti to seat between them and Maangi the other side of Ongawe. It was Ongawe who stole the show when he arrived riding in a motocyle boda boda. This did not go down well with Obure who claimed that Ongwae had gired youths to cheer him as if it was a political rally. It was Maangi who set the ball running when he demanded that all Kisii leaders must sit down and talk together for the sake of development. Next was Manoti who demanded that Ongwae must account for the Sh7b he gets annually. Manoti went further to comment that he has no problem accounting for the CDF funds and therefore Ongwae should do the same. Obure finished the attack by echoing Maangi and Manoti’s sentiments and demanded that Ongwae must tell Kisii people what he has done for them since his election. Ongawe feeling that it was Maangi who started the onslaught against him at Nyamache which embarrassed him, he financed people to start a smear campaign against his deputy. More drama unfolded the following day when there was a scaring scenario when youths in Ogembo bought a coffin and put Ongwae’s effigy and went around the town singing funeral songs and finally buried the coffin. It is said that Ongawe was so furious and ordered his youths to lock Maangi’s office alleging he was the one behind it. When Maangi’s people heard of the plot to lock his office, they hurriedly planned a counter attack. There was a stand off for hours as the two groups and the situation was saved by police officers who provided security. Analysts say all these points at what is expected in Ksii county come 2017. Already three teams are angling for the Kisii gubernatorial seat in 2017. The first team is that of Ongwae and comprises Bomachoge MP Simon Ogari, nominated senator and Omingo Magara. The other camp is that of Maangi and comprises Obure, Manson Nyamweya, Women Rep Mary Otara and Kisii County Assembly Speaker Kerosi Ondieki. The third camp comprises Charles Nyachae and comprises section of Kisii professionals based in Nairobi. Majority of Kisii MPS are sitting on the fence as they judge which team they will join. What is clear is that Ongwae is in trouble especially with allegations of corruption and rebellion from his own deputy.

Citizen

It is now official: President Uhuru Kenyatta’s TNA party chairman Johnson Sakaja is headed for change of politics as 2017 draws closer towards the general elections. The 30-year-old nominated MP, who participated in the formulation of the constitution before its promulgation in 2010, is no longer sitting on the laurels and is now seeking an elective post. Moving away from the nasty and dirty politics of Nairobi city, Sakaja is switching to his Trans Nzoia home turf to try his luck. And to confirm his participation in the Trans Nzoia politics, the TNA chairman was last week held up in meetings and tours in Saboti constituency which is being held by New Ford Kenya’s NFK Lazaro Wafula. This brings to an end apprehensions that the nominated legislator would go for Endebess constituency being represented by Robert Pukose of URP. “What I want to do to my Saboti home people is what I have been doing at the national level,” that was all Sakaja said when asked about his new adventure and undertaking. As Sakaja moves his politics to Trans Nzoia, another Trans Nzoia politician Eugene Wamalwa was heading to Nairobi to take up his position as the cabinet secretary for Water and Irrigation. Eugene has temporarily stepped aside as the NFK party leader, leaving the seat to the Bungoma governor Kenneth Lusaka. Politics in Trans Nzoia is party dictated by the Ford Kenya leader and Bungoma senator Moses Wetang’ula who has a sizeable influence. William Ruto’s URP is second to NFK and it will be interesting to see how Sakaja fronting for the amalgamation of TNA and URP for Jap will play his cards on the newly-found platform in Trans- Nzoia. The one million dollar question is: “Will Sakaja’s entry into the murky political waters of Trans Nzoia tilt the county politics in 2017?” Sakaja’s immediate headache is whether the conglomeration of Jap will be accepted to all the interested TNA and URP aspirants in the county. Kanu which is rebranding itself within the Rift Valley region could reap from the split of Jap. “I don’t know to do it but I will find out. I want us to have a state in this county where everybody knows that he/she is being taken care of. The level of tribalism disturbs be a lot,” he was quoted in a local media. It is too early to tell whether or not Eugene’s NFK will join the Jap bandwagon but it is imperative to note the two parties would rather work together to clinch victory in 2017, although the Water and Irrigation cabinet secretary has no soft landing for DP Ruto’s URP. Eugene is still glossing over whether he should pursue national politics or confine himself to the Trans-Nzoia county politics by attempting to oust the incumbent Governor Patrick Khaemba. Sources confided that the former Justice minister was considering vying for the Nairobi city gubernatorial seat held by Evans Kidero as he prepares for the presidency in 2022. Other sources said the ex-Saboti MP was considering the Trans Nzoia senatorial slot of FK’s Henry Ole Ndiema or the speaker’s slot in the national assembly as a prelude to the presidency. These are some of the contentious issues Sakaja will be putting to test as he settles down to extend Jap’s tentacles in Trans Nzoia. He will have to contend with the fact that should Eugene plan ahead with national politics, secondary school principal Cosmas Nabongolo who has emerged the favourite candidate to unseat Khaemba. Though deputy governor Stanley Tarus has emphatically tried to defend and sell his boss, Khaemba’s fate seems to have already been sealed. He is grappling with poor decision- making maladministration, nepotism and lack of inclusiveness.

Citizen

Kwale governor Salim Mvurya and MPs from the county are walking a political tightrope as the clock ticks towards the next general elections. A survey reveals that voters are disgruntled and unhappy with the management of governor Mvurya and the MPs who were all voted in on an ODM ticket except one. However, analysts believe that Cord is still the party of choice in the county. Mvurya is being accused of discrimination in employment opportunities where it is alleged he favours his Duruma community to land lucrative posts in the county government at the expense of the majority Digo, Kamba and other communities. As a result, the Digos have vowed to join forces with the Kambas to teach Mvurya a political lesson come 2017 general elections. The soft-spoken governor is further blamed for failing to stand firm to ensure that residents reap maximum benefits from mineral resources in the county. The residents claim outsiders stand to benefit from massive mineral wealth in the county at their expense due to governor Mvurya’s lack of political foresight. They say so far, the county chieftainship has not come up with strategies to insulate them against rogue miners. Najib Balala is cabinet minister for Mining. The county is endowed with huge deposits of titanium, rare earth, uranium among many other precious stones. The county also has unexploited fishing industry, a port and tourism potential. However, poverty and unemployment are at their peak in the county. The county is also home to the dreaded Mombasa Republican Council which is pushing for the cessation of Coast region from the rest of Kenya, accusing successive governments of marginalising communities from Coast. The county has four constituencies namely Lunga Lunga, Msambweni, Matuga and Kinango. The MPs are Khatib Mwashetani, Suleiman Dori, Hassan Mwanyoha and Gonzi Rai respectively. In Lunga Lunga, MP Mwashetani is under intense pressure to account for CDF expenditure. And recently, his chief campaigner Kassim Pojo who announced he would be opposing the MP come 2017. Pojo who is MCA for Mwereni ward is said to be an influential political stalwart in the new border constituency. His decision to contest for MP in the next elections is a big nightmare to Mwashetani’s political ambitions. Sources say the MP’s camp has been forced to go back to the drawing board to craft a survival formula for now and 2017. Pojo made the announcement to oppose Mwashetani recently during the finals of a football cup tournament named after him. The event was graced by Kwale senatorial aspirant Nicholas Zani who is also the Okoa Kenya Coast coordinator. Zani who is a younger brother of nominated ODM senator Agnes Zani has been the face of the Cord referendum push in the region. In the last general elections, Zani gave former transport minister and now Kenyan High Commissioner to Tanzania Chirau Mwakwere and Kwale senator Boy Juma Boy a run for their money running on a Kadu Asili party ticket. Political pundits say even though he missed the ultimate prize, he made a name for himself and is currently a well know political figure who cannot be wished away. Zani is also credited with the crafting of the Natural Resources Bill, which seeks among other things, to increase the benefits of host communities in mining areas. And in Msambweni constituency, area MP Suleiman Dori complicated matters for himself after he decided to fight Mombasa governor Hassan Joho, his benefactor. Dori is among Coast MPs who joined forces with Kilifi North MP Gedion Mung’aro to fight Cord leader Raila Odinga and Joho. Even though he has since ‘repented’, sources say he is a marked man by the Joho camp. An angry Joho had warned Dori and Mwashetani who is closely linked to William Ruto that come the next general elections, they will not see parliament as he would personally campaign against them. Sources say the Mombasa governor was bitter the two had teamed up with his political enemies to fight him. It is said the Diani MCA Omar Boga is the man positioned to replace Dori. Boga who enjoys a network of hoteliers is well grounded politically, it is claimed. Another Kwale politician who is having sleepless nights as the clock ticks towards 2017 is county women rep Zainab Chidzuga, the mother of KTN anchor Mwanaisha Chidzuga. It is said after Chidzuga went out of her way to discredit the Cord leader on Mung’aro’s advice, voters were unhappy and have been disrupting. She will be opposed in the 2017 general elections by Fatuma Masito. There are also those who are proposing nominated senator Zani to run for the seat. But with her sibling Nicholas eyeing the senatorship, it may not be well received by voters. But in Matuga constituency, sources say MP Hassan Mwanyoha has been persistent in his support of Cord. Observers say that removing him will be a mountainous task. Among those scheming for the Matuga seat against Mwanyoha is Kenya Maritime Authority chairman Kitambi Digore. However, it is said it will be difficult for the URP operative to make a breakthrough as the constituents are mostly pro-Cord.

The Kenya Judo Federation scandal is deepening, with stakeholders now claiming that the fight for transparency inside the federation did not begin today.

For years, people within the judo fraternity have allegedly raised concerns over how public funds, athlete facilitation, travel budgets, tournament money and federation resources are managed. But according to insiders, those who dare ask difficult questions about financial accountability are quickly isolated, frustrated or pushed out.

The latest allegations now paint a picture of a federation where transparency is treated as a threat and silence appears to be rewarded.

During the 2024 Annual General Meeting, federation financial statements were allegedly withheld and never properly discussed. This has raised serious concerns over whether members were allowed to properly interrogate how money received by the federation was used.

Even more worrying are claims surrounding former Treasurer David Momanyi. According to insiders, although he was voted out after the elections, he reportedly remains one of the signatories to the federation’s bank accounts.

If true, this raises serious governance questions.

How can an official who has been voted out still remain connected to federation bank accounts? Who authorized it? Who benefits from such an arrangement? And why has the Sports Ministry or relevant oversight agencies not demanded a clear explanation?

Stakeholders also claim that former Secretary General Johnson Mwadime was among the few people pushing for accountability and transparency within Kenya Judo. However, he was allegedly removed quickly after asking too many questions, in a manner insiders compare to how former president Stephen Soi was pushed out of judo leadership.

Critics now claim these leadership changes were not accidental, but part of a wider attempt to control the federation and allegedly use judo as a conduit for suspicious financial dealings.

Within sports circles, some insiders have reportedly gone as far as referring to the Kenya Judo Federation as the “Wash Wash Federation.”

That label is damaging, but the federation has only itself to blame if it continues avoiding full disclosure of its accounts, audited financial statements, procurement records, athlete payment schedules and tournament expenditure.

The scandal has now moved beyond ordinary federation politics.

Athletes are complaining. Volunteers are complaining. Insiders are complaining. Former officials are complaining. Stakeholders are demanding answers.

At the centre of these concerns is the question of public funds. Money released for sports development is not private money. It is not personal money. It is not money for federation officials to treat like private business capital.

It is money meant to develop athletes, support national teams, facilitate training camps, pay volunteers, fund international participation, buy proper kits and grow the sport.

Stakeholders are now demanding that the Ethics and Anti-Corruption Commission, Asset Recovery Agency, Public Procurement Regulatory Authority, Auditor-General, DCI and KRA move in and conduct a serious audit of Kenya Judo Federation finances.

Investigators should establish how much money was released to the federation, from which public agencies, for what purpose, who approved withdrawals, who signed documents, which suppliers were paid, which trips happened, which trips failed, and whether athletes benefited from the funds allocated in their name.

They should also examine whether any officials, relatives, associates or proxies acquired unexplained assets during or after major judo events funded by the public.

Because if athletes remain unpaid, volunteers remain unpaid, trips collapse, kits disappear, and federation officials appear comfortable, then Kenya does not have a sports funding problem.

It has a sports accountability problem.

And if the allegations being raised by judo stakeholders are proven true, then the Kenya Judo Federation may not just be suffering from poor leadership.

It may be sitting on one of the dirtiest sports governance scandals in the country.

Political tensions in Homa Bay County escalated on Friday after a group of alleged goons linked to Homa Bay Governor and ODM Chairperson Gladys Wanga violently attacked the convoy of Siaya Governor James Orengo during a political tour in Suba North and Suba South constituencies.

Orengo, accompanied by leaders allied to the Linda Mwananchi movement, had toured Mbita, Rusinga Island, and Sindo to popularise their political agenda ahead of the 2027 General Election when chaos erupted moments after their ferry docked at Mbita.

According to leaders present during the incident, an organised group descended on Orengo’s motorcade, smashing the windscreen of his vehicle and damaging several other cars in the convoy in what appeared to be a coordinated political attack.

Supporters accompanying the Siaya Governor reportedly fought back, overpowering some of the attackers in Mbita Town and parts of Rusinga Island before the meeting proceeded under heightened tension.

However, the violence allegedly intensified as the convoy moved towards Sindo in Suba South, with politicians allied to the Linda Mwananchi faction coming under direct attack from suspected hired gangs.

Among those reportedly injured was political activist Civilizer Aoran, alongside several supporters who sustained injuries during the clashes. The injured were rushed to Tranquil Hospital in Homa Bay for treatment.

The dramatic scenes exposed the growing political hostility inside ODM following the death of veteran opposition leader Raila Odinga, whose absence has triggered an intense power struggle over the future direction of the party.

At the centre of the fallout is a widening disagreement between Governor Wanga and Governor Orengo over succession politics and ODM’s relationship with President William Ruto’s administration.

While a section of ODM leaders aligned to Wanga are believed to support closer cooperation with the national government, Orengo and the Linda Mwananchi faction have positioned themselves as defenders of the party’s traditional opposition identity.

Friday’s violence has now raised fears that the escalating rivalry could plunge the region into deeper political instability ahead of the 2027 elections.

Critics have accused senior ODM leaders of fuelling intolerance and using hired gangs to silence dissenting voices within the party, warning that the growing hostility risks destroying the democratic values ODM once claimed to champion.

Neither Governor Wanga nor her office had officially responded to the allegations by the time of publication.

A fresh power struggle has erupted inside the Football Kenya Federation after Vice President McDonald Mariga moved to the Sports Disputes Tribunal seeking to block disciplinary proceedings initiated against him by the federation’s own disciplinary committee.

Court documents filed on May 27 reveal that Mariga has formally challenged the legality of the disciplinary process, setting the stage for a dramatic internal showdown within Kenya’s football leadership.

The petition names the FKF Disciplinary Committee as the main respondent, while the FKF Migori Branch has been listed as an interested party in the matter. The committee member identified as Boru has also been cited both personally and as an authorised representative of the disciplinary body.

Additionally, Daniel Ochola Ochali, the Secretary of the FKF Migori Branch, has been named as the representative of the interested party, signalling that the dispute has spread beyond the federation’s Nairobi headquarters into regional football politics.

In the tribunal filing, Mariga’s lawyers argue that the disciplinary proceedings are irregular and unlawful, claiming the process violates the rules and regulations governing FKF operations.

The case marks a rare and explosive confrontation within the federation, with a sitting vice president now openly battling the disciplinary machinery of the same organisation he was elected to help lead.

The disciplinary action stems from the controversial attempt by Mariga and a faction of National Executive Committee (NEC) members to suspend FKF President Hussein Mohammed alongside Acting General Secretary Dennis Gicheru and NEC member Abdulahi Yusuf Ibrahim over an alleged Ksh42.8 million fraud scandal.

The accusations centred on claims of irregular procurement involving an insurance policy linked to the 2024 African Nations Championship (CHAN), which Kenya co-hosted.

On April 24, nine out of fourteen FKF NEC members voted to suspend the three officials and temporarily install Mariga as acting president, escalating tensions at the top of Kenyan football administration.

Following the move, Mariga was hit with four proposed disciplinary charges, including conduct prejudicial to football interests, bringing the game into disrepute, abuse of office, and failure to act in the federation’s best interests.

The situation took another dramatic turn after FIFA intervened through a letter dated May 27, dismissing the attempted suspensions and declaring that the Mariga-led faction had failed to comply with Article 41 of the FKF Constitution.

FIFA’s intervention now leaves FKF facing a deepening governance crisis, with divisions at the top threatening to destabilise football administration in the country ahead of key continental competitions.

At 82 years old, Oburu Oginga has announced that he will defend his position as Senator of Siaya County in the 2027 General Election.

The veteran politician confirmed he is not stepping away from active politics despite his age, setting the stage for another high-stakes political battle in Siaya.

Oburu remains a senior figure in ODM politics and one of the longest-serving political voices in the Nyanza region.

His declaration is expected to spark fresh political debate over leadership transition, generational change, and succession politics ahead of the 2027 elections.

Authorities are pursuing a suspected extortion ring accused of attempting to derail the payment of about Sh14 billion to Co-operative Bank shareholders through what investigators and insiders describe as a series of questionable court cases filed in the name of Sacco officials and shareholders.

At the centre of the alleged scheme is a former senator from Nyamira, who is accused of moving in shortly after Co-op Bank notified shareholders of its proposed restructuring plan and the introduction of a holding company. According to people familiar with the matter, the former politician allegedly presented himself as acting on behalf of Sacco interests in Nyamira and Kisii, then prepared legal documents meant to frustrate the bank’s restructuring process.

The alleged plot reportedly began with demand letters and draft suits sent to the bank, followed by messages inviting bank representatives to “talk.” Those familiar with the matter say the communication was interpreted as an attempt to pressure the bank into negotiations away from the formal shareholder and legal process.

The matter took a new twist after genuine cooperative movement leaders in Nyamira and Kisii reportedly became aware that their names and institutions were being linked to the cases. After questions were raised, the individuals behind the filings are said to have changed lawyers, altered the nature of the suits, and repackaged the dispute as a shareholder-led case.

Investigators are also said to be examining claims that signatures of Sacco officials were forged or misused to create the impression that cooperative societies from the two counties were backing multiple court actions. The suspected group is accused of demanding payment from the bank in exchange for withdrawing or stopping the cases.

For instance there is a Court case no E010 / 2026 Lodged all the way at Nyamira high Court and the parties are to appear before Lady Justice T. Cherere for directions on 14 th may 2026 for directions.

The biggest concern now is the risk posed to millions of farmers and ordinary shareholders who are expecting dividends from the bank. If the court cases succeed in delaying the restructuring or shareholder approval process, the Sh14 billion payout could be disrupted, leaving genuine investors caught in a fight they did not authorize and may not even understand.

Co-op Bank has a large shareholder base tied to the cooperative movement, meaning any attempt to block payments or weaponize court processes has consequences far beyond boardroom politics. For many farmers, Sacco members, and small shareholders, dividends are not abstract corporate figures. They are real money expected to support households, businesses, school fees, and rural livelihoods.

Police are now expected to establish who authorized the cases, whether the listed Sacco officials genuinely approved them, whether signatures were forged, and whether the legal process was being abused to force a private settlement from the bank.

Safina Party leader Jimi Wanjigi says that President William Ruto’s political influence is fading, warning that leaders who continue to align themselves with the head of state risk being politically “finished” alongside him.

Wanjigi maintains that the current administration has lost public support due to pressure in key sectors such as healthcare and education, insisting that the country is heading toward political change while positioning himself as part of emerging alliances built around issue-based politics rather than ethnic mobilization.

Tensions between Donald Trump and Pope Leo XIV have escalated into a high-profile clash that is beginning to carry political, diplomatic, and reputational consequences. What may seem like a verbal conflict between two powerful individuals is increasingly influencing the views of voters, global partners, and religious communities. President Donald Trump’s escalating feud with Pope Leo XIV sparked by the pontiff’s criticism of the Iran war and migration policies now threatens to alienate Catholic voters, undermine his moral authority and erode support among key values‑driven supporters. A Clash of Influence At the heart of the dispute are differing positions on key global issues, including immigration, social justice, and international cooperation. Pope Leo has consistently advocated for humanitarian approaches, particularly to migration and poverty. Trump’s policies have leaned toward stricter border control and nationalist priorities. This divergence has created a sharp contrast in messaging one rooted in moral authority and global solidarity, the other in political sovereignty and domestic security. Impact on Trump’s Political Base The Catholic vote remains a significant bloc in American politics. While Trump maintains strong support among conservative voters, a prolonged and visible disagreement with the Pope risks alienating moderate. And religious voters who look to the Vatican for moral guidance. Even among non-Catholics, the symbolism of a sitting president openly clashing with the head of the Catholic Church may raise concerns about tone, leadership style, and diplomatic restraint. Diplomatic and Global Implications Beyond domestic politics, the feud has broader international implications. The Vatican plays a unique role in global diplomacy, often acting as a neutral moral voice in conflicts and humanitarian crises. A strained relationship between Washington and the Vatican could complicate cooperation on issues such as refugee support, peace-building efforts, and international development initiatives. The dispute risks reinforcing perceptions of isolationism or unilateral decision-making for Trump, whose foreign policy has already undergone close scrutiny. Reputation and Public Perception Public disputes with religious leaders carry reputational risks, particularly when they involve figures with global moral influence. Pope Leo commands respect not only within the Catholic Church but also among wider international audiences. Critics argue that engaging in a public feud with the Pope may damage Trump’s image among undecided voters and international observers, who may interpret the conflict as unnecessary or counterproductive. Conclusion The clash between Donald Trump and Pope Leo XIV goes beyond personalities; it reflects a deeper tension between political authority and moral leadership on the global stage. As the situation unfolds, the key question is whether the feud will remain rhetorical or evolve into a more consequential divide with lasting political and diplomatic costs. For Trump, the stakes are clear: managing this relationship carefully could be crucial to maintaining both domestic support and international credibility. ALSO READ: Pope Leo XIV Heads to Algeria, First Stop in Historic 4‑Nation Africa Tour

Former KRA CG Humphrey Wattanga Former KRA Commissioner General Humphrey Wattanga did not lose his job because of one issue alone. His fall was the result of a dangerous pile-up of problems that became too heavy to contain. By the time he exited, he was facing pressure over revenue collection, growing hostility from within the board, political isolation in a system that values usefulness above loyalty, and, hanging over all of it, a Tecno tax evasion scandal that had grown too big and too embarrassing to ignore. What may have started as murmurs about performance and internal dissatisfaction eventually hardened into a broader view within power circles that Wattanga had become more of a burden than an asset. The Nyakundi Report has verified that the Tecno affair was one of the issues that badly damaged Wattanga’s standing at the Kenya Revenue Authority. It was around April 2024 when troubling whispers from inside the Nairobi offices of Tecno Transsion Electronics (Pvt) Ltd began spilling out. At first, the complaints sounded like the kind of internal grievances that troubled companies often try to bury: workers murmuring about unfair treatment, unexplained deductions, foreign staff operating with unusual privilege, and managers who behaved as though no authority in Kenya could seriously touch them. But as more insiders came forward, a darker and much more explosive picture began to emerge. What had initially looked like workplace discontent increasingly took the shape of a major corporate scandal involving alleged tax evasion, labour abuse, suspicious cash dealings, and a pattern of impunity inside one of the most visible phone empires in Kenya. As the complaints multiplied, KRA began paying closer attention. The allegations were no longer merely about office politics or unhappy employees. They pointed to a company that was allegedly deducting PAYE from employees while failing to remit it, handling parts of its payroll in ways designed to avoid a proper paper trail, and concealing supplier transactions and operational costs in a manner that significantly reduced its tax exposure. For a company whose brands — Tecno, Infinix, and itel — dominate the Kenyan market through shops, kiosks, resellers, and distributors in every corner of the country, the scale of the accusations was staggering. This was not a backstreet operator hiding a few coins. This was a major multinational player extracting vast value from the Kenyan market while insiders alleged that the government was not getting what it was owed. The matter escalated in May 2024, when KRA agents carried out a dramatic raid at Tecno’s offices in Cardinal Otunga Plaza, Nairobi. According to insiders, that operation immediately raised hopes among whistleblowers who had long felt ignored, threatened, and frustrated by the company’s apparent confidence that nothing would ever happen to it. During the raid, agents reportedly recovered a large cache of internal documents said to contain details of undisclosed salary payments, unreported supplier dealings, questionable financial records, and transaction patterns that had never been transparently disclosed. There were also claims that large sums of cash in both local and foreign currency were seized, adding to suspicions that some payments had deliberately been kept outside the formal banking system in order to frustrate traceability and weaken tax enforcement. For the whistleblowers, it looked like the beginning of accountability. For the first time, they believed the authorities had enough material in hand to expose the full scale of the scheme. Tecno Kenya Those who had come forward had taken enormous personal risks. Many had already leaked information to journalists, bloggers, and watchdog figures in the hope that public scrutiny would force the State to act. Some spoke of salaries paid in cash, deductions taken from workers that never seemed to reach the taxman, and a culture in which criticism of management was met not with correction but retaliation. Others described an internal environment marked by racial abuse, blocked promotions, open discrimination against Kenyan workers, and the alleged presence of foreign staff operating without proper work permits or immigration clearance. According to repeated accounts from inside the company, mainly Asian expatriate staff wielded sweeping, unchecked power over local employees while appearing insulated from the accountability that binds ordinary Kenyans. By the time KRA entered Cardinal Otunga Plaza, there was already a deep feeling among insiders that Tecno was not simply a harsh workplace, but a company operating with the confidence of an institution that believed it was protected from consequences. That is why what happened next became so politically toxic. After the raid, the public expected movement. At one point, Wattanga indicated that Tecno was under investigation. But after that, the matter went quiet. The noise faded, the urgency disappeared, and the country was never given a convincing explanation of what became of a case that had all the signs of a major tax enforcement file. The silence transformed the Tecno issue from a tax question into a leadership question. Up to today, Tecno continues to operate under serious tax evasion questions, with no clear public closure from the very agency that was supposed to take the matter to its logical conclusion. That is the point at which the scandal stopped being only about Tecno and started becoming about Wattanga himself. The scandal became even more dangerous because of claims that a KSh200 million bribe was used to compromise the process. Once such an allegation enters a case of this magnitude, the entire issue changes character. It stops being an ordinary dispute over duty payments and payroll compliance and becomes an institutional corruption scandal. It creates the impression that KRA is ruthless with small traders, employees, and struggling citizens, but suddenly hesitant when dealing with a powerful foreign-linked corporation with money, lawyers, and access. That perception is devastating for any Commissioner General. A tax boss can survive complaints and political noise, but he cannot easily survive the belief that under his watch a giant taxpayer evaded billions and then escaped accountability because the system was bought. What made the matter worse is that insiders insist the core issues never ended. Reports from within the company continue to suggest that the very practices that triggered the whistleblowing campaign remain alive. Employees still complain of deductions that do not seem to translate into proper remittances, opaque financial processes, and an internal power structure in which managers and favored expatriate staff continue to operate above the rules that bind ordinary Kenyan workers. If those reports are true, then the May 2024 raid was not the end of the scandal. It was merely the moment when Kenya briefly saw the smoke before powerful interests moved to smother the fire. The claim that Tecno may have evaded up to KSh400 billion over time is an allegation of extraordinary scale. Nearly half a trillion shillings is not a bookkeeping oversight. It is the kind of figure that forces people to ask whether institutions are asleep, captured, or compromised. But the Tecno file alone did not bring Wattanga down. By the time he was pushed out, he was already under intense pressure over KRA’s revenue performance and growing discontent inside the board. In an economy where the State is desperate for every shilling, weak collection figures are never treated as a technical issue alone. They become political. Questions had begun building around whether KRA was collecting enough, whether enforcement was being applied with sufficient force, and whether the institution had become too weak or too compromised to close major leakages. In that environment, any sign that a serious multi-billion-dollar tax evasion file had gone cold was always going to be used against the man at the top. Revenue pressure gave his critics one weapon. Tecno gave them another. The board factor made the danger worse. Once a board loses confidence in a chief executive, every weakness becomes magnified. Revenue shortfalls stop looking like economic headwinds and start looking like leadership failure. A stalled investigation stops resembling a delay and begins to look like a compromise. Silence itself starts to carry the smell of guilt. In Wattanga’s case, the board and those around power had enough material to paint the picture of a man who was no longer in full control of the institution he headed. Whether that picture was entirely fair became irrelevant. In real power struggles, perception can be more lethal than proof. Then there was the politics. Wattanga was widely seen as a man fronted by Moses Wetang’ula for the KRA job. But in Kenya, being pushed into office by a patron is only half the battle. Staying there requires a different skill altogether. Reports indicate that Wattanga was viewed in political circles as someone who was not a “streets guy.” In plain language, he was not seen as the kind of operator who knew how to collect money from different corners, distribute it strategically, and keep multiple political interests satisfied. There are also reports that he was accused of feeding only Wetang’ula’s side, a dangerous mistake in a system where survival often depends on servicing several centres of power rather than one camp. Whether fair or unfair, that perception made him weak. Once powerful actors begin to see you as rigid, selective, or no longer useful, your political protection starts evaporating. The wider climate inside government also made his position harder to defend. There was already rising public scrutiny over economic management, tax collection, and corruption-linked scandals across key institutions. Even outside KRA, officials seen as liabilities were beginning to fall. The resignation of Energy Ministry Deputy Director Joseph Wafula on 5 April 2026 amid a probe into the artificial fuel shortage deal added to the sense inside government that some files had become too hot and some names too costly to carry as the rift between Ruto and Wetangula widens. In that atmosphere, Wattanga was unlikely to enjoy long-term protection. By then, he was carrying too many problems at once..... poor revenue optics, loss of board confidence, political weakness, and a Tecno scandal that made KRA look either compromised or afraid and worse of it all, a Wetangula man label.

A foreign government is operating inside Kenya. Tanzania's administration, angered by critical on-air commentary from Radio 47's Maskani 47 hosts Billy Miya and Mbaruk Mwalimu, has allegedly bankrolled a Kenyan insider with Ksh150 million to track the two journalists using their vehicle number plates. Billy has now gone public with these claims, naming the Tanzanian government directly, accusing it of running a surveillance operation on Kenyan soil. Kenya's intelligence and security agencies have said nothing. That silence demands an answer. What is clear is this: Billy Miya has now come forward, named a foreign government, described an active surveillance operation, and cited a specific bribe figure. Kenya's security establishment owes its citizens—and its journalists—a direct and urgent response. The story is no longer just about Tanzania. It is about whether Kenya will protect its own. Samia Suluhu Threats Cross Into Kenya as Radio 47 Journalists Face an Alleged Government Hunting Operation Billy Miya did not mince his words. He told the public that Tanzania is personally hunting him and his co-host, Mbaruk Mwalimu, because of their critical coverage of President Samia Suluhu Hassan's administration on Maskani 47 , their popular Radio 47 programme.

Billy says the operation goes beyond external pressure. He alleges that someone inside their own workplace accepted money from the Tanzanian government to expose sensitive information about the two journalists. The Tanzanian Government Allegedly Paid a Kenyan Insider Ksh150 Million to Track the Journalists "They have used an insider in the office, who gave us Ksh150 million, so that they could disclose our number plates to make it easier for the Tanzanian government to track us," Billy stated publicly.

That is not a vague threat. That is a coordinated, intelligence-style operation allegedly run by a foreign government—inside Kenya—targeting Kenyan-based journalists for doing their jobs.

Billy made his position on the matter equally clear: "We say let them come. A journalist is not a criminal."

The two hosts built a loyal and large East African audience through their willingness to speak openly about regional politics, including uncomfortable truths about Tanzania's government. Billy says that is precisely what triggered the alleged crackdown.

"Tanzania is hunting me personally and my co-presenter, meaning they don't like how we work and they don't like how we tell the truth," he said. Tanzania Has a Documented History of Crushing Press Freedom These allegations do not exist in a vacuum. Tanzania has one of the most hostile records against journalists in the region, and 2025 made that brutally clear.

During the October 2025 general elections, authorities deployed a multi-pronged assault against the press. Journalists faced targeted violence, arbitrary arrests, digital blackouts, and a deliberately opaque accreditation system designed to freeze out critical reporters. The crackdown, which intensified around the 29 October vote and the protests that followed, killed at least three journalists and left many more imprisoned. Globally, Tanzania ranks 95th out of 180 countries in the 2025 World Press Freedom Index published by Reporters Without Borders, scoring 53.68 — a figure that reflects a government deeply uncomfortable with scrutiny. Billy himself characterized the Tanzanian administration as a totalitarian regime that was never genuinely elected by the people and one that he alleges has historically stolen from and killed its own citizens. These are serious charges. But Tanzania's own actions against journalists give those charges significant weight. Kenya's Intelligence and Security Apparatus Has Stayed Dangerously Silent Here is the question that nobody in authority appears willing to answer: How does a foreign government allegedly run a Ksh150 million operation inside Kenya to track Kenyan-based journalists—and Kenya's intelligence and security organs say absolutely nothing?

This is not a minor diplomatic spat. If Billy Miya's allegations are accurate, the Tanzanian state infiltrated a Kenyan media house, compromised a member of staff, and used that access to build a surveillance profile on two journalists. That is a direct violation of Kenya's sovereignty. It targets freedom of the press. It puts lives at risk.

The National Intelligence Service exists to detect and neutralize exactly this kind of foreign interference. The Directorate of Criminal Investigations has jurisdiction over organized criminal activity, including bribery and espionage. The government has a constitutional obligation to protect Kenyan citizens from threats—domestic and foreign alike.

Yet there has been no public statement. No investigation announced. No official acknowledgment that a foreign government may have paid an insider Ksh150 million to track Kenyan journalists on Kenyan soil.

Billy and Mbaruk's earlier on-air shift—where they appeared to soften their criticism of Samia and even joked about campaigning for her—drew sharp public backlash. Commentator Dr. Cassypool publicly condemned what he called a blatant contradiction. Whether that shift reflected pressure, pragmatism, or something else entirely remains unclear.

President William Ruto is today expected to make a historic appearance at the Nairobi County Assembly on Thursday, 9th April 2026. He will address Members of County Assembly (MCAs) on a multibillion-shilling cooperation deal between city hall and the national government. This will be the first time a sitting president formally addresses the Nairobi Assembly since devolution was introduced 16 years ago. Thus, underscoring the political and economic weight attached to the capital city. President William Ruto is set to make a historic address to Nairobi MCAs on a Sh80 billion cooperation deal between the national government and City Hall, outlining joint plans for roads, markets, waste management and key services aimed at transforming Kenya’s capital. Focus on the Sh80 billion cooperation agreement At the center of the address is an Sh80 billion cooperation framework that outlines how the national government and Nairobi City County will jointly plan and finance key infrastructure, transport, and service delivery projects. The deal is expected to cover upgrades to roads, waste management, street lighting, markets, and settlement upgrading. Also, aiming to ease congestion and improve the business environment in the city. Prime Cabinet Secretary Musalia Mudavadi, who chairs the steering committee overseeing implementation, on Wednesday led a joint preparatory meeting ahead of the president’s speech. His office has framed the cooperation pact as a model for structured national–county collaboration. Indeed, where clear roles and funding lines are agreed upon in advance rather than through ad hoc interventions. Why Nairobi matters politically and economically Nairobi, which hosts nearly all major national institutions and is the country’s commercial nerve centre, remains critical to the success of President Ruto’s broader economic agenda. Businesses in the city are still adjusting to a slower growth environment, even as inflation remains relatively contained. Therefore, making the promise of new investment in infrastructure and services highly politically salient. For MCAs, the president’s address is both an opportunity and a test: they have pushed for more resources and influence but will also be under pressure to show that additional national funding translates into visible improvements for residents. The session is also likely to shape future debates around how far the national government can or should go in directly steering development within devolved units. What Nairobi residents should watch for City residents will be watching for concrete timelines, project lists, and accountability mechanisms rather than broad promises. The success of the Sh80 billion deal will hinge on transparent procurement and coordination between different agencies. And minimal disruption to small businesses and public transport during implementation. If the cooperation framework delivers, it could strengthen the case for similar structured partnerships between the national government and other counties hosting major economic corridors. If it stalls or gets mired in politics and bureaucracy, today’s historic address risks being remembered more for symbolism than for real change in Kenya’s largest city. ALSO READ: Kenya Blocks Controversial Fuel Shipments as Oil Import Scandal Topples Key Officials

Congo‑Brazzaville’s Constitutional Court has confirmed Denis Sassou Nguesso’s re‑election. Therefore, sealing another five‑year term for the 82‑year‑old leader who has dominated the country’s politics for four decades. The court declared that Sassou Nguesso “won an absolute majority” with 94.9 percent of votes in the 15 March presidential election, on a turnout of 65.9 percent. The final figure slightly raises the 94.82 percent announced in the interior minister's provisional results. Six candidates ran against the incumbent, but their combined vote share barely dented his landslide. Congo‑Brazzaville’s Constitutional Court has confirmed President Denis Sassou Nguesso’s re‑election with 94.9% of the vote, rejecting an opposition challenge and extending the 82‑year‑old leader’s four‑decade grip on power for another five‑year term. Opposition challenge rejected Opposition candidate Dave Mafoula, who came third with just over 1 percent of the vote, filed a petition asking the court to annul the election, citing alleged irregularities. The court dismissed his appeal and upheld the result, echoing an African Union observer mission's description of the poll as reflecting “political maturity.” And broadly meeting the indicators of a free and credible election. Opposition parties have, however, questioned almost every vote won by Sassou Nguesso in recent years and continue to accuse his government of repression and manipulating the process. Four decades in power Sassou Nguesso first led Congo‑Brazzaville under a one‑party system from 1979 to 1992 before losing the country’s first multi‑party election. He returned to power by overthrowing the elected president in a 1997 civil war and has remained at the helm ever since, through successive elections that extended his rule. Rights groups say that while he can claim to have brought a measure of stability, his government regularly persecutes opponents; two challengers from the 2016 election are serving 20‑year sentences for allegedly threatening internal security. Under the current constitution, Sassou Nguesso is barred from running again when this fifth term ends in 2031, though critics note that term limits in the region have often been changed or circumvented. For now, the court’s ruling confirms that one of Africa’s longest‑serving leaders will remain in charge of the oil‑rich central African state for another half‑decade. ALSO READ: Véron Mosengo‑Omba Resigns as CAF General Secretary as Senegal–Morocco AFCON Fallout Deepens

Concerns have emerged over the governance of the Kenya Scouts Association (KSA) , with questions being raised about election manipulation during grassroots polls, alleged political interference that contradicts the non-partisan ethos of scouting, repeated constitutional amendments seemingly designed to consolidate power, ownership of commercial enterprises that conflict with the movement’s values, and the management of substantial public funding in ways that insiders argue fail to adequately support the youth programs the association is meant to nurture.

At the centre of these concerns is Victor Radido, the Chief Commissioner of KSA, who critics claim has accumulated excessive authority by holding multiple key positions simultaneously, effectively stifling oversight and accountability while steering the association’s decision-making in ways that benefit himself and his allies rather than the millions of young Kenyans under the movement’s care. Reports of election manipulation, political interference, constitutional changes, and mismanagement of public funds have sparked a governance crisis at the Kenya Scouts Association (KSA), with Chief Commissioner Victor Radido facing criticism over concentration of power and deviation from scouting values.

Insiders and whistleblowers within KSA warn that these patterns are not isolated incidents but reflect a systemic concentration of power that undermines the association’s core mission of youth development.

During the recent grassroots elections, Radido is reported to have handpicked candidates, effectively eliminating competition and allowing allies to run unopposed, while publicly discouraging other eligible members from contesting leadership positions.

Observers also note a troubling blurring of lines between the non-partisan ethos of scouting and political ambitions, citing Radido’s unsuccessful bid for elective office in 2022, during which resources and influence from KSA were allegedly leveraged to support his campaign. Chief Commissioner Victor Radido is at the heart of a controversy surrounding election manipulation, political interference, and organizational mismanagement within the Kenya Scouts Association (KSA).

Meanwhile, repeated amendments to the KSA Constitution have drawn criticism for appearing tailored to entrench Radido and his inner circle in power, granting them disproportionate control over decision-making processes that should ideally reflect transparency and broad accountability.

Questions have also been raised about the management of public funds, with KSA receiving millions in government allocations for youth programs, yet internal audits and reviews suggest that learning materials, resources, and support structures for scouts remain substandard.

Further compounding concerns, reports indicate Radido holds multiple key positions simultaneously, including Board Member and Chief Commissioner, effectively consolidating control while preventing any meaningful oversight or checks from within the association.

Critics argue that such practices, combined with the ownership of commercial enterprises contrary to scouting values, threaten not only the integrity of KSA but also the development and welfare of the millions of young people enrolled in the movement.

Adding to the controversy, Radido is reported to own a wines and spirits business in Kisumu, a commercial venture that critics argue stands in stark contrast to the ethical and moral values the Kenya Scouts Association is meant to uphold. Alcoholic Drinks Licence reportedly issued under the Kisumu County Alcoholic Drinks Control Act 2014, granted to Victor Radido for a wines and spirits establishment.

Appeals to parliamentary oversight and external accountability mechanisms appear to have been largely ignored, leaving members and concerned stakeholders increasingly alarmed about the direction of the association under its current leadership. "Good evening Cyprian. I’m reaching out with serious concerns about the state of the Scouting movement in Kenya under the leadership of Victor Radido. The Kenya Scouts Association (KSA), tasked with nurturing our youth, is being run in ways that threaten the very values it is meant to uphold.

Recent events highlight alarming patterns. Election Manipulation: During the recent grassroots elections, Radido handpicked candidates, allowing them to run unopposed while sidelining other eligible candidates. (During youth forum he threatened that nobody should vie for his seat) Political Interference: Scouting is meant to be non-political. Yet, Radido unsuccessfully vied for a political seat in the 2022 elections, allegedly using Scouting funds. His International Commissioner, Antony Gitonga, is reportedly preparing to enter politics in Othaya. Constitutional Changes for Personal Gain: He has repeatedly altered the KSA Constitution to favor himself and his allies. This is now his second term under the “new” Constitution. Contradiction to Scouting Values: Scouting strongly opposes substance and alcohol abuse. Yet, Radido reportedly owns a bar in Kisumu. Mismanagement of Resources: KSA receives substantial government funding of nearly 100 million KES through the President’s office, but the quality of Scouts’ learning materials remains poor, as noted by the Attorney General. Concentration of Power: Radido occupies multiple key roles, Board Member, Commissioner, and more, therefore effectively blocking any meaningful oversight or accountability. Despite raising these concerns to Parliament, our appeals have largely gone unheard. The situation is urgent, as the future of Kenya’s youth in Scouting is at risk. I hope this can be investigated and brought to public attention.

Best regards, Concerned Scout Leader."

Kenya is mourning the death of f ormer Kirinyaga Senator Daniel Karaba , a respected educationist, politician, and public servant whose career spanned academia and national leadership. Karaba, who served as Kirinyaga’s first senator after the promulgation of the 2010 Constitution, passed away, leaving behind a legacy of service, advocacy, and commitment to community development. Karaba rose to national prominence during his tenure in the Senate, where he was known for his calm demeanor, thoughtful contributions, and dedication to legislative oversight. As a senator, he played a key role in representing the interests of Kirinyaga County, particularly in matters of resource allocation, governance, and development. Before joining politics, Karaba built a distinguished career in the education sector. Former Kirinyaga Senator and longtime educationist Daniel Karaba has died aged 78, closing a career that spanned school leadership, a stint as Kirinyaga Central MP and service as the county’s first Senator, with leaders hailing his deep commitment to education and public service. He served as a university lecturer and later as a senior administrator, contributing significantly to academic leadership and policy development in Kenya. His background in education shaped his approach to leadership, often emphasizing discipline, integrity, and evidence-based decision-making. In the Senate, Karaba was widely regarded as a steady and principled leader. He was particularly vocal on issues affecting counties, advocating for equitable distribution of national resources and accountability in the use of public funds. His tenure reflected a strong commitment to strengthening devolution and ensuring that local governments effectively served their constituents. Leaders from across the political divide have paid tribute to Karaba, describing him as a humble, dedicated, and visionary leader. Many have highlighted his role in mentoring young leaders and his unwavering commitment to public service. Residents of Kirinyaga have also expressed their grief, remembering him as a leader who remained accessible and engaged with the community even after leaving office. His contributions to both education and governance have left a lasting impact in the region. Karaba’s passing comes at a time when Kenya continues to reflect on the contributions of leaders who helped shape the country’s devolved governance system. His role as one of the early senators under the new constitutional dispensation places him among those who laid the foundation for the Senate’s evolving role in Kenya’s governance structure. As the country mourns his loss, attention now turns to celebrating his life and legacy one defined by service, humility, and a deep commitment to the people of Kirinyaga and Kenya at large. ALSO READ: How Hormuz Tensions Push Up Oil Prices and Rattle the World Economy